LETTER 

TO 

JAMES MONROE. 



i 




A 



LETTER 

ON THE 

PRESENT STATE OF THAT COUNTRY, 



ADDRESSED TO 



JAMES MONROE, 

PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES. 



BY AN AMERICAN. 



More powerful each, as needful to the rest, 
And in proportion as it blesses, blest. Pope. 



Re-printed, from the Washington Edition of 1817, by Hay and Turner, 
No. 11, Newcastle Street, Strand; 

PUBLISHED BY J. RIDGE WAY, PICCADILLY; AND J. BOOTH, 
DUKE STREET, PORTLAND PLACE. 



1818. 



PREFACE 

TO THE ENGLISH EDITION. 

THE contest between the Provinces of South 
America and Spain has, from the beginning, been 
viewed with no ordinary interest in this country. 
It is impossible, indeed, to exaggerate the im- 
portance of the stake for which the parties are 
contending. The Provinces in question, in spite 
of the narrow and illiberal policy of Spain, have 
now attained a sufficient degree of strength to 
vindicate their right to the uncontrouled enjoy- 
ment of the blessings which Nature has scattered 
with so lavish a hand on their country. If they 
succeed in this great object, a boundless field will 
be opened to domestic improvement and foreign 
commerce ; if they fail, the power which reduced 
them to subjection, can never for a moment forget 
that every addition to their resources and pros- 
perity must add to the insecurity of her tenure. 
On the issue of this contest, therefore, will depend 
the prosperity or devastation of South America. 

In the independence and prosperity of South 
America, two nations are particularly interested 
— the United States and Great Britain. The 



vi 

United States and Great Britain are the countries 
which possess the most extensive commerce, and 
therefore they are the most interested in any ex- 
tension of the field of commercial activity. Great 
Britain, however, is also the greatest manufac- 
turing country in the world, and the opening of 
a continent, abounding in all sorts of raw pro- 
duce, to her manufacturing industry, gives her a 
much deeper interest in the issue than the United 
States, of which the manufacturers will long be 
unable to stand in competition with the British. 

The inhabitants of the United States are not 
blind to the advantages which the Independence 
of South America will ensure to them. They 
allow that the chief benefit will be derived by 
Britain ; but they think that the share which will 
remain to them will be far from inconsiderable. 
We are not to wonder then that the inhabitants 
of the United States, independently of all sym- 
pathy which a people engaged in a struggle simi- 
lar to their own, should take a warm interest 
in the contest. From their proximity to the 
countries which are the theatre of hostilities, they 
have many opportunities of obtaining informa- 
tion with respect to the situation and prospects 
of the contending parties that are denied to us. 
The judgment therefore which that people (who 
are generally allowed to be no less alive to their 
interest, than good judges of the best means of 



vii 

advancing it) form on a question like that be- 
tween Spain and her Colonies, ought deservedly 
to have great weight in this country. 

The following Pamphlet is the production of 
an American, and is understood to speak the sen- 
timents, not merely of the people of America in ge- 
neral, but also of the American government. The 
author of it, is a Mr. Brackenridge, the son of the 
late Judge Brackenridge, an individual of consi- 
derable consequence in America. Mr. Bracken- 
ridge is now employed by the American Govern- 
ment, in the capacity of Secretary in the Com- 
mission recently appointed to proceed to South 
America in the Congress frigate. This Pam- 
phlet must therefore be viewed as in some degree 
official ; for the American government would ne- 
ver have selected to the important office of Se- 
cretary to this Commission, a man who had es- 
poused so warmly the cause of the South Ameri- 
cans, if his sentiments had not been shared by 
themselves. Though the name of the author is 
not affixed to the American Edition, yet in the 
several newspapers of that country, he is alluded 
to without any reserve, and we think it but jus- 
tice to the merits of the publication, and the in- 
tention which gave rise to it, that the friends of 
this cause should know the person to whom they 
are indebted for it. 

Feb, 6, 1818. 



JAMES MONROE, 

PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES, 



SIR, 

The discovery of America, the separation of the 
British colonies, and the present struggle for indepen- 
dence in the colonies of Spain, are three of the most 
interesting occurrences of the last thousand years. Co- 
lumbus, in search of a passage which would change the 
track of Eastern commerce, discovered a new world, pos- 
sessing greater riches than the East, and capable of sus- 
taining a population nearly equal to all the rest of the 
globe. Although disappointed in one object, he suc- 
ceeded in opening sources of wealth to Europe which 
have changed its condition for the better in every depart- 
ment of life. The discovery of America enabled Europe 
to reach a point of improvement, which she could not 
otherwise have arrived at for centuries, if at all. Those 
who followed Columbus, w r ith little or no scruple, appro- 
priated to themselves whatever was found in the dis- 
covered countries, peaceably in some cases, but in most 
instances, by violence and cruelty. The inhabitants of 
America, in some districts numerous and far advanced in 
civilization, were regarded by the Spaniards with little 
more respect than the wild beasts of the forest. They 

B 



were destroyed without mercy, their possessions were 
seized without compunction, and all the principles of 
justice and humanity were violated without remorse. 
The superior skill of the Europeans in the arts, derived 
from the use of letters, which preserves the discoveries 
of the ingenious and enables the human mind to advance 
towards perfection, necessarily placed the unfortunate 
Americans in the power of their invaders. The first dis- 
covery of America, and the subsequent encroachments, 
were alike the acts of enterprising individuals, although 
their respective sovereigns were careful to come in for 
the lion's share. As to those portions of the country 
where vast regions lay waste, (for the possession as 
hunting grounds by a few wandering tribes could scarcely 
be considered an appropriation of the soil) the laws of 
God and Nature might justify other members of the 
human family in taking a sufficient portion of the common 
inheritance for their subsistance. This was the case 
over nearly all the country now possessed by us, who, as 
the first of the colonies in forming an independent govern- 
ment, have become peculiarly entitled to the appellation 
of Americans. Our conquests were principally over the 
asperities of the climate and the earth; the axe and the 
plough were the weapons with which they were effected. 
If the natives have been sufferers, we are not to blame: 
the hunter cannot subsist by the side of the cultivator: 
the wild animals, which constitute his support, fly the 
fixed habitations of man. As in the natural progressive 
stages of society, so in relative position or vicinity, there 
must be a separation between these two states of human 
existence. The hunter and the cultivator could not be 
neighbours; the hunter, therefore, retired, and our set- 
tlements advanced. 



3 

In other parts of the continent the inhabitants were not 
always found in the hunter's state. Although not pos- 
sessed of letters, they were far advanced as men can be 
without them. They had made no inconsiderable pro- 
gress in the arts; they had their fixed seats or cities, 
vieing in population with those of Europe or Asia, their 
cultivation of the soil in a high state of improvement, 
and they had learned, unfortunately for them, to bestow 
a factitious value upon those metals which, in the old 
world, were regarded as the representatives of wealth, 
and used as the medium of commerce. Such was the 
situation of Mexico, of Peru, and parts of Chili. — These 
unhappy people were assailed by the Spaniards with 
barbarous cupidity, and every species of violence and 
injustice practised upon them. This, it is true, was the 
work of a few audacious and lawless persons, but it met 
the approbation of the sovereign, who came in when all 
was quieted for the larger share of the spoil. The sove- 
reign took possession of these countries by the right 
of conquest ; and even after the enterprizing and in- 
dustrious of his own subjects had formed settlements 
and built cities, the privileges of conquest were never 
abandoned. Nothing can be more true than that the 
discovery, settlement, and conquest of America, was 
the work of private enterprize, but the advantages 
have been reaped by the different sovereigns. From 
the first discovery until the present day, they had but 
one thing in view — to draw the greatest possible ad- 
vantage from the colonies, without regard to their 
prosperity. The colonies have furnished vast sums to be 
spent abroad, or rather squandered in wars and in the 
extravagance of courts. Their advancement, further 
than this object was answered, was regarded with in- 

B2 



4 



difference; the misery and wretchedness of the colonies 
would have been preferred to their prosperity, if this 
would have produced the greatest supply. They were 
in fact regarded as mere appendages, very useful and 
convenient, but forming no part of the state. 

The policy pursued by the different European states 
towards the colonies, received a tinge from their peculiar 
characters, unavoidably influenced by the situation and 
nature of the colony itself, keeping always in view the 
sole advantage of the European sovereignty, no matter 
how disagreeable or distressing it might be to the 
colonies. The Spaniards, for instance, found some dis- 
tricts abundant in the precious metals; here every pur- 
suit was discouraged, and even forbidden, not neces- 
sarily connected with the working of the mines. Here 
neither agriculture, manufactures, commerce, nor even 
considerable population was of much importance ; hence 
the mine districts have generally been condemned to bar- 
renness more by the policy of the sovereign than by 
Nature, while the inhabitants have been the poorest on 
the continent. Nature has established no such law? as 
that because we reside in countries abounding in the 
precious metals, we must therefore want the comforts 
and conveniences of life. If permitted to avail our- 
selves of these advantages, we should prosper even if 
the soil were barren, by exchanging for things more 
necessary. But regarding solely the Spanish inte- 
rests, these districts have been condemned to barren- 
ness and poverty; they have been closed like caverns 
where the light of day is not seen. These riches must 
be transported abroad to gratify the idle debauchery of a 
court, and unintentionally to benefit the unshackled in- 
dustry of neighbouring nations. This vile and oppressive 



5 



monopoly appeared Jn every thing; when the colonies 
could procure what was barely sufficient to exchange for 
the commodities which the crown permitted to be fur- 
nished them by those of her own subjects, or even the 
subjects of other nations to whom she sold this privilege, 
all further advancement was deemed unnecessary, and 
therefore checked, lest they might cease to want those" 
articles, mostly of the first necessity, which the crown 
was desirous of supplying. Agriculture in some districts 
was permitted to grow to a certain extent; manufactures 
were every where forbidden; the native spirit of com- 
mercial enterprize was entirely repressed; no commerce 
was permitted but through the mother country, and for 
her benefit. This is the reason why countries which 
have been settled so many hundred years, are still so 
thinly populated. Some conjecture may be formed of 
the state in which South America might have been at this 
moment, from the progress we have made' since our 
shackles were thrown off. Horses, cattle, and sheep in 
South America, have increased without num er, while 
the human race, compared with this country, has scarcely 
made any perceptible, progress. But small portions of 
the Spanish colonies have been cursed, or blessed (just 
as one may choose to consider it) with mines. The inha- 
bitants in general gain their living by the cultivation of 
the soil and the preparation of articles of commerce; 
they are cultivators and shepherds, but chiefly the first ; 
for where they were not at liberty to set their own prices 
on their commodities, but were compelled to accept what 
the monopolists chose to give, and to pay for European 
merchandize whatever the vender chose to ask, all 
agricultural industry, further than was necessary for a 
subsistence, was necessarily repressed. To countries on 



() 



which Nature has showered her choicest gifts, it is not 
surprizing that thousands of European Spaniards should 
be enticed, and it is natural to suppose, that population 
without some check would rapidly increase. Spain 
would easily discover that it was unnecessary to hold 
out encouragement to emigration; she could, therefore, 
without fear of crippling the colonies, impose such 
burthens as would at the same time retard their pro- 
gress, and procure a present profit. These burthens 
were of course to be increased with the growth of the 
colonies. Possibly this might have been practised with a 
foresight of the future strength of the colonies and the 
fear of their revolt; but most probably it proceeded from 
the insatiate avarice which instigated her to squeeze 
from the colonies the utmost they were capable of yield- 
ing. Jealousy, which has generally been regarded as the 
characteristic of the Spaniard, may have had some share 
in imposing the restrictions and establishing seclusion 
from the rest of the world, which has converted the 
country of the Spanish colonist into a prison, guarded 
with as much vigilance as the seraglio of an Eastern des- 
pot ; but again^ selfish cupidity is the ruling passion — 
foreigners have been excluded from intercourse with the 
colonies, for the same reason that every species of in- 
dustry and enterprize on their part was forbidden, where- 
ever there existed a chance on the part of the crown to 
sell a privilege, or turn pedlar itself, and supply the sub- 
ject at the most extortional prices. We shall be asked 
of what use would colonies be without these advantages ? 
I ask in turn, what men, possessed of sufficient strength, 
would submit to be colonists on such terms ? The history 
of all colonies, whether Carthagenian,PJienician, Grecian, 
or Roman, down to those of modern times, amply prove 



7 

that resistance to these impositions has been uniform; 
and its cause may be therefore traced to the instinct of 
our nature, which urges us to oppose, as far as our 
strength will permit, the authority of usurped power and 
the exactions of injustice. No reasoning, but that which 
justifies the retaining a slave, can justify the placing of the 
colonies on a different footing from other portions of the 
empire. It is not surprizing that the British colonies, so 
much later in their establishment, and in a soil and cli- 
mate so inferior, should have so far outstripped those of 
Spain. 

The British colonies were established under more happy 
auspices. The spirit of liberty had been fostered by 
several important occurrences. The human mind had 
been unchained by the reformation; and the frequent re- 
sistance to the exertion of absolute power in the sove- 
reign, had produced such an acknowledgement of many 
of the essential rights of man, in such a permanent form, 
as to be easily appealed to. Numerous safeguards of 
liberty had been established. The colonists carried with 
them the seeds of liberty which they transplanted in a 
more congenial soil, where they could grow up without 
being overshadowed by kings and nobles. The colonists 
were the freest of the free. The habit of reducing rights 
to a permanent and tangible record, had given rise to the 
various charters under which the different colonies were 
established. They were permitted to overcome the first 
difficulties, inseparable from their situation, with little or 
no assistance ; the Indian nations who opposed their set- 
tlements, were subdued ; the lands were cultivated, and 
cities began to rise on the shores of the Atlantic. The 
colonial trade in a short time, gave employment to thou- 
sands of Englishmen, and a valuable market was soon 



8 

opened for British manufactures. Here, with little or no 
expense to England, a vast treasure of wealth was dis- 
played to her enterprize and industry. The colonies in- 
creased rapidly in consequence of their partaking of the 
freedom which was in some measure peculiar to Great 
Britain. It was not long, however, before these advan- 
tages on the part of Britain were abused; the colonists 
were disgusted with the dispositions manifested by her, 
to consult only her own momentary interests ; and they 
were continually insulted by the insolence of the court 
favorites sent over to enrich themselves at their expense: 
this, in countries where there was no distinction of ranks 
in society, where the pretensions of birth were but little 
known, where there was no gentry entitled by hereditary 
right to admiration and worship, constituted in a word the 
proper elements of republicanism. — fortunately for the 
colonies, Great Britain had delayed the exercise of arbi- 
trary power until they had begun to feel their strength. 
Two millions of freemen after a long and arduous struggle 
against one of the most powerful states of the old world, 
was at last acknowledged an independent nation. Our 
population, our wealth, our strength, has increased with 
a rapidity unexampled. We have become ten times more 
valuable even to that natjon which endeavoured to chain 
us down, in spite of all the arts which her folly has prac- 
tised to excite our enmity; to the whole world we are he* 
coming each day more useful, and even necessary. 

If our independence was an event of such magnitude, 
so universally interesting, how important must the inde- 
pendence of the whole continent — the whole of the new 
world, appear ! In us the birth of a nation was hailed, 
by the rest of mankind, with enthusiastic joy ; we are now 
about to behold the birth of Empires. Eighteen millions 



i 



9 

of souls are now struggling to be free; unable to aet 
conjointly, yet all concurring in their efforts to shake off 
the European yoke. — We behold the inhabitants of re- 
gions, which for centuries have furnished wealth to sti- 
mulate the industry not only of Europe and America, 
but even of Asia, about to take their mighty destinies 
into their own hands — about to give a full developement 
to their resources — to establish governments, and most 
probably on the best and wisest models — to form a chain 
of confederacies, united by a thousand communities, not 
of family, but of wise and useful intercourse ; in fine, to 
prepare the way for the most splendid revolution that 
has ever been witnessed on the earth. Mighty must be 
the revolution which will be effected by nearly half the 
habitable world, when suffered without restraint to unfold 
its resources and augment its population. Nations are no 
more formed for solitary existence than men ; it is the con- 
tinued intercourse and commerce with different countries 
which civilizes mankind, and lays open the career of en- 
terprize and industry. What nation is there that could be 
blotted out from the map without injury to all that should 
remain ? This intercourse gave bread to thousands, nay, 
gave life to thousands who would never have been called 
into existence. How interesting then to all nations the 
birth of the American Empires, whose commerce will soon 
add incalculably to the fund upon which the industry of 
the world may draw ! A scene more magnificent never 
" burst on the eye of philosophy." Past events have suf- 
ficiently proved, that under the government of Spain this 
great work can never be accomplished ; like a decrepid 
and worthless hag, she has been an incubus on South 
America. With one of the finest countries in Europe, if 
deprived of the colonies and compelled merely to use those 

C 



10 



advantages in her future intercourse with them in the way 
Great Britain has done with the United States, she may 
yet be regenerated and become more wealthy and respec- 
table than she would be with all the gold and silver of 
America, bestowed upon her idleness and sloth. The 
discovery of America has already produced wonderful ef- 
fects ; but when we compare these effects with what must 
ultimately take place, they seem but as the first dawn of 
a glorious day. No one can contemplate the future state 
of America without having his mind filled with the most 
magnificent ideas and the most sublime anticipations. 
Hitherto it has been a discovery locked up. 

The separation of the American colonies has been re- 
garded by men of foresight as an event that in the course 
of time would happen, in spite of every precaution to 
prevent it. There is nothing more natural than to sup- 
pose, that when the vast tracts of country on this side of 
the Atlantic should attain a population proportioned to 
their extent, this must so far surpass that of the coloniz- 
ing state, that this last would become the mere satellite. 
The colonies could not be persuaded to remain the sub- 
ordinate and inferior, when the old state had fallen into 
comparative insignificance. Suppose all the rest of Eu- 
rope removed to the distance of three thousand miles from 
Spain should be found in a colonial subjection to this 
power ? The very suggestion of the idea exhibits its ab- 
surdity. When James I. united the crown of Scotland 
to that of England, some expressed an apprehension that 
England would become a province ; the very reverse of 
which was the natural consequence. In politics, as in 
astronomy^ it is a law of Nature that the smaller bodies 
revolve around the larger. The moment the colony ex- 
ceeded the ancient state in numbers^ and at the saine time 



11 



was not greatly inferior in spirit and intelligence, the 
ancient state must necessarily take the place before oc- 
cupied by the colony, or a separation ensue. 

There is another reason for this tendency to separa- 
tion : — the colony and the ancient state must in time be- 
come distinct nations; the difference of character and oc- 
cupations, arising from the difference of climate and from 
the nature of the countries which they occupy; considera- 
ble changes in the language and manners in both, owing 
to the want of frequent intercourse, would soon produce 
essential distinctions. Added to this, the offensive arro- 
gance of the European, who fancies himself a superior 
being, as coming immediately from the original and purer 
fountain of the race, looking down with contempt and 
despising the degenerate natives, who, in turn, would 
naturally feel indignation at the self-sufficiency and inso- 
lence of the stranger. Of this we had no little experi- 
ence in our own country; before the revolutionary war, 
every Englishman thought himself entitled to allegiance 
from every American, and the natural deviation from 
English manners was considered a proof of degeneracy. 
This very readily accounts for much of that unfriendly 
feeling which has existed between this country and Eng- 
land, and which to superficial observers appears unnatu- 
ral. If the mere circumstance of living in a distant coun- 
try, and adopting different habits, will in a few years 
bring about so great a diversity, this must be still greater 
where there is an actual difference of race. In the United 
States, we have numbers from all the different nations of 
Europe ; in South America, it is true, the colonists were 
more generally from the colonizing state ; but the differ- 
ence was more than made up by the numbers of the civi- 
lized Indians, who still formed a great proportion of the 

C 2 



12 



population of many parts ; and these in time became in- 
termixed with the European Spaniards and their de- 
scendants, thus forming a distinct people. The natives 
of the country could without difficulty intermingle, and 
have common feelings with these their countrymen ; 
while the Europeans, who could not form any great pro- 
portion of the whole, would be looked upon as strangers, 
as foreigners, at least, until they had been long settled in 
the colony; had families, and had become identified or 
amalgamated in the mass. The more the colony in- 
creased its numbers, and the longer it continued a colony, 
the farther would it be removed, in point of feeling, from 
the ancient state; the weaker, therefore, the ties to that 
state, and the greater the difficulty of retaining it in sub- 
jection. When the habit, the charm, or magic, of de- 
pendence was once broken, the ancient state would be 
regarded in the same light as any other foreign power, 
and its attempts to bring back the colonies to subjection 
considered in the same light as the invasion of any other 
enemy. Hence it is, that the natives of North and 
South America have become patriots, defenders of their 
native soil ; while Spain is acting the part of an invader, 
and amuses herself with the belief that she is endeavour- 
ing to quell the insurrection of a neighbouring province, 
in which there still remains the latent feelings of affection, 
like those of a disobedient child towards its parent. 
Spain is not engaged in reducing the revolt of Valencia 
or Catalonia, but she is carrying on a war against a distant 
nation, or nations, with the greatest possible dis advantage. 
Nothing can exceed the folly of such an attempt. For 
even if she should be successful for the present, can she 
produce a change in their minds ? She might as well 
think of making war on the elements. The time is not 



13 

* 

very distant, when in the course of nature they must be in- 
dependent. 

It is very evident that, the Spanish colonies had long 
ago become a very different people from the European 
Spaniards, and as the natural consequence, mutual dis- 
likes and jealousies would be cherished. They must have 
long- since felt that they were a people held iu subjection. 
They could naturally ask, " how long does Spain mean 
to consider us as appendages to her monarchy, as slaves 
fastened to the wheels of her chariot to swell her vanity 
and pomp ? Are we to be colonies for ever ? Must we 
renounce all hope of being able to claim some of the 
honours of our beloved native soil — of being permitted to 
improve and ornament the birth place of our ancestors, 
our own homes, the only country which possesses our 
affections, the residence of our friends and relations? 
Are we to be restricted in all our enterprizes by 
strangers, who come to us as it were from another planet, 
who have no ties amongst us, and are indifferent to the 
prosperity and improvement of our country? Shall we 
tamely submit to these task-masters who will not permit 
us to use what is our own, and who carry awav the fruits 
of our industry we know not whither?" The only answer 
that could be made by the oppressor, would be short and 
simple, " I have the power." This is denied. The mad- 
ness, the pride, the obstinacy of Spain, is not yet satis- 
fied, but the world is satisfied — that apeop'e who can defend 
themselves for ten 2/ears, will be able to dejend themselves 
for ever. 

The policy of Spain necessarily tended to create and to 
increase this deep-rooted enmity. Its government would 
soon be considered as an odious usurpation. The most 
pleasing subject of the thoughts and conversation of the 



14 



colonists, would be — their liberation from this political 
bondage. They would look to the day which would 
bring about this so much desired event, with something 
like religious devotion. There is nothing more natural 
than the prevalence of such wishes. Even in extensive 
, monarchies, which have the advantage of contiguity, or 
which have but slight separations, there is a constant 
tendency to fall by their own weight. In Cicero's orations 
against Verras, we have a fine picture of the thousand 
impositions to which the remote provinces must necessa- 
rily be subject ; the vexations practised by the almost 
irresponsible vice-roys, governors, and sub-agents, sent 
to govern, or rather rob, are without end. Nothing 
can remedy the want of a centre of power, an original 
fountain of authority of their own. A country thus sepa- 
rated, without a government of its own, is a world with- 
out a sun. The distance from the metropolis renders it 
impossible to have feelings in common with it, or but few. 
No empire, therefore, of extensive territory, and parti- 
cularly when separated by oceans, can be of long dura- 
tion, unless divided into separate states, each possessing 
its own centre of power, to which the sympathy, passions, 
and interests of the people are attracted. Besides being 
in this manner removed from the metropolis, which ren- 
dered it impossible for the people of America to have this 
community of feeling with the Europeans, and which en- 
abled the imported governors and dignitaries to practice 
their abuses with impunity, they were separated by an 
ocean of a thousand leagues. By placing the Americans 
at such a distance from Europe, Nature seems to have 
forbidden their becoming dependencies, plantations, or 
appendages of petty European states* The king of Bra- 
zils acted a wise part in transporting his court and go» 



15 



vernment to his American possessions and converting 
the ancient seat of empire into a province; his Ame- 
rican possessions had grown too considerable to remain 
as a distinct colony ; and although his form of govern- 
ment is not such as we should prefer to see generally 
prevail in America, it is yet much better than if he 
had attempted to retain them in the colonial state. He 
must, however, hasten to identify his interests with those 
of America — he must cease to be European — he must 
escape from the trammels of European politics, or he 
will find his position an uneasy one. I should be glad 
to see the breach between him and Spain still further 
widened, and at the same time a good healthy rejection 
of the interference of the allies in the affairs of America. 
The royal family of Spain would have acted wisely for 
its own interests in transporting itself to Mexico; and 
even George the Third might have retained his American 
colonies, and by this time have been master of the new 
world, had he transferred his crown from the island of 
Great Britain to the American continent. 

Spain has been well aware of this disposition or ten- 
dency to separation on the part of the Colonies, and to 
establish governments of their own. She knew that the 
colonial state was a forced one, and too unnatural to last 
for ever. She had had, every where, frequent indica- 
tions of the dispositions of the people which she could 
not mistake. They were gradually becoming ripe for a 
separation, in spite of all the precautions she could de- 
vise to retard this so much dreaded state. An event, 
however, in which she took some share (actuated no doubt 
by the desire of being freed from her ambitious neigh- 
bours, the English) served, aontrary to her expectations, 
to hasten this maturity. This was the successful emanci- 



16 



pation of the United States. To avoid one evil she en- 
couraged another even more pernicious. Her colonies 
could not behold without uneasiness, the full enjoyment 
of the blessings of self-government and a free constitu- 
tion in adjoining colonies. The imprisoned are torment- 
ed by the desire to escape, as much by the natural love 
of liberty, as by the sight of others in the enjoyment of it. 
The precautions of Spain for the preservation of her co- 
lonies were in consequence increased; and their dissa- 
tisfaction increased in the same proportion. All the 
pains which were taken to prevent the introduction of 
liberal principles into her colonies were in vain; the im- 
portation of goods may be prohibited, but thoughts will 
find their way like the rays of light; it is as vain to for- 
bid the spreading of 1 knowledge as to forbid the sun to 
shine. The true principles of liberty, which have at last 
escaped abroad, can never be consigned to the tomb of 
secresy. The art of printing will, in time, effect the 
liberty of the press ; and wherever this liberty prevails, 
despotism is at an end. These principles shook Europe 
to its centre ; and, although restrained at length, in some 
measure they are still silently working their way. They 
found their way at last to the more natural clime of 
Southern America ; and we have seen that in America 
these principles have been invariably connected with the 
establishment of independence. Formerly a revolution in- 
dicated little more than a change of masters ; it now means 
the establishment of free government. The unexampled 
prosperity of the United States, the knowledge of which 
could not be concealed from the colonists, furnished the 
aliment to keep alive the fire which had been thus light- 
ed up — their triumph over all their enemies, and their 
conquest over all their difficulties, at last, must render 



17 

this fire unextinguishable. The daring enterprize and 
the intelligence of our citizens, who continually found 
their way into the Spanish colonies, in spite of all the 
guards which the most watchful jealousy could establish, 
contributed not a little to open the eyes of the colonists. 
For twenty-five years before the revolutions of South 
America took place, there was a slow but progressive 
state of preparation for this momentous occurrence. It 
is, therefore, a mistake to suppose that the separation of 
the colonies was a revolt produced by an unpremeditated 
and accidental event — a sudden and passing storm which 
would soon be over — it was, in fact, the natural consum- 
mation of what had been long and gradually preparing, 
hastened by accidental circumstances, but not occasioned 
by them. 

There is nothing which tends so much to check the 
sympathy we should be disposed to give the Southern 
Americans, in their present interesting struggle, as the 
prevailing idea that they are totally unfit for self-govern- 
ment—a character which we bestow, without discrimina- 
tion, on all, although there is by no means an uniformity 
in the moral state of the different colonies. This is a 
topic of which their enemies have availed themselves, un- 
fortunately, with great success. They are represented 
without distinction or discrimination, as in a state of ex- 
treme ignorance and debasement (a state, by the bye, 
which ought to cover the Spaniard with shame) with- 
out any kind of information, and without morals ; 
lazy, inconstant, worthless, and, at the same time, 
violent, jealous, and cruel ; composed of heteroge- 
neous casts, likely to be split into factions, and, if 
left to themselves, to exterminate each other like the 
soldiers of Cadmus* In fact no pains have been spared 

D 



18 



to represent them in the most hateful and disgusting 
colours, and there are many of us who now take it for 
granted that they are the most despicable of the human 
race. Let us for a moment inquire by whom is this in- 
discriminate character bestowed ? It is given either by 
their bitterest enemies or by those who are unacquainted 
with them, or whose opportunities have enabled to see 
them only in the most unfavourable light. — Persons who 
have never seen a Southern American, are in the habit of 
condemning them all by the wholesale, as stupid, de- 
praved, and worthless. Notwithstanding this, if we 
consult the enlightened travellers who have visited those 
countries, we shall find that they concur in bearing testi- 
mony of their native intelligence, and of the number of 
well informed and well educated people they possess. 
But is it for us to repeat or believe such slanders ? We 
should recollect the character which until lately was 
charitably given to us throughout Europe ; and we should 
hesitate before we condemn a people whom we have had 
no opportunity of correctly estimating. Until the Ame- 
rican revolution, it was a fashionable opinion, extremely 
agreeable to European vanity, that man degenerated in the 
new world, and if not continually renewed by European 
intelligence, would be in danger of losing the faculty of 
reason. How long since has this slander been refuted ? 
There are those who assert it even now ; yet the en- 
lightened who knew that the true dignity of human cha- 
racter does not depend upon climate or soil, but on the 
liberty and freedom of government, as necessary as the 
sun and air to plants, foretold what we should be, 
when left to ourselves. " Why is it,'* asked an eloquent 
orator, " that the slave looks quietly on the spot where 
Leonidas expired ? The nature of man has not changed, 



19 



bat Sparta has lost the government which her liberty 
could not survive. " — Man is every where a noble and 
]ofty being, and if the burthen which bows him to the 
earth be taken away, if the slavish bands in which 
he is fastened are burst, he will suddenly rise with ease 
to the natural standard of his character. Our enemies 
in Europe are still in the habit, in spite of the proofs we 
have given, both in peace and war, of representing us 
as degenerate, at least as incapable of any thing great. 
These things we know to be the slander of malevolence 
and envy, repeated by ignorance and prejudice ; may we 
not in charity suppose that all we have heard of the South- 
ern Americans is not true ? 

The standing topic of our enemies during our eventful 
struggle for independence, was our supposed incapacity 
for self-government. They represented us as being, in 
general, an uninformed people, our distance from the 
metropolis, from the- sun of knowledge, rendering it im- 
possible for us to know any thing, and therefore incapable 
of making any good use of our independence, even if it 
were possible for us to gain it ; they said we were restless 
and factious, and would either fall into a state of horrible 
anarchy, or from our intestine divisions become a prey 
to the ambition of military chiefs. Nothing of all this 
happened, or was likely to happen. It is lamentable to 
see the proneness of the human mind to form opinions 
without data or experience, or to form general theories 
from a few isolated facts. It is a source of a thousand 
vexations in politics, in science, in morals, and in phi- 
losophy. It is this bigotry of opinion which forms the 
greatest barrier to the progress of the human mind. The 
ignorant and the arrogant will ever believe, that what 
they do not know to exist , does not exist. I was once asked 

D2 



20 



by a foreigner why no books of original composition were 
ever published in this country. For this simple reason,, 
I replied, because you have never read them. We pro- 
nounce upon the character of the South Americans ; we 
declare them to be deficient in all those qualities which 
we most prize, not because we know them, but because 
we do not. It is thus that the vain and contemptible 
African or Asiastic sovereign pronounces the European 
to be an inferior race — in a state of ignorance and bar- 
barity. 

The character which we bestow upon our brethren 
of the South would do injustice to the most uncivil- 
ized of our Indians. That information is as general 
among them, as amongst our people, no one, I presume, 
will pretend ; yet, have we made no progress since the 
American revolution ? Let this question be answered. 
Three generations of freemen have arisen since that 
period, and each has undergone some improvement. 
I would ask, amongst whom began our resistance to 
Great Britain — by whom was it carried on and directed ? 
Certainly by the intelligent part of the community, who 
moved the uninformed mass, addressing themselves to 
passions which belong to nature, not to education alone, 
then inculcating ideas which had not before suggested 
themselves to those who are not in the habit of reading 
and thinking. Compare the state of general information 
and public spirit at that time with the present, and it 
will be found that the balance will be as much in favour 
of the latter, as it is in favour of the present state of 
our population, wealth, and public improvements. We 
had many well educated men, especially in the different 
professions > we had a numerous class in the middle walk 
pi* life, that is, possessing a moderate share of wealth, 



21 



and with sufficient leisure and opportunity for acquiring 
enough of information to understand and place a proper 
value upon their rights, and to appreciate the advantage 
of a separation from Great Britain. Has it ever been 
pretended that such a population is no where to be found 
in South America? I am far from pretending that the 
great mass of its population is as well prepared as ours 
was; but let it be recollected that we established at once, 
not only a free government, but the freest that had ever 
been known in the world. It does not follow that because 
the Southern Americans cannot establish a government 
within many degrees as free as ours, that they are there- 
fore incapable of any thing but absolute despotism. It 
would not be difficult to prove that there are some strong 
features of resemblance in the southern population to our 
own, and which have an equal tendency to qualify them 
for free government. The means of acquiring affluence, 
for instance, were sufficient to raise up in every village 
or district, families sufficiently at ease in their circum- 
stances to acquire some information and to maintain a 
respectable character ; they were every where more 
locomotive and consequently more thoughtful. They had 
their professional men as we had, who were necessarily 
enlightened, and were attached to the soil by the ties of 
birth and by family connexions, and yet could aspire to 
no public offices or honours. The native priesthood were, 
with hardly an exception, excluded from the dignities of 
the church, which were usually bestowed on foreigners. 
The secular priests, so far from being inimical to the cause 
of independence, have been its most active supporters, 
and what is more, the advocates of the most liberal prin- 
ciples. The fact is, that these native priests, who are 
the sons of the most respectable families, and, in most in- 



22 



stances, have little more in realitj than the name, are 
the leaders of their armies, their partizan officers, and 
engage actively in disseminating political information 
among the people. These men have in fact been long 
brooding over the emancipation of their country, and 
many, it is highly probable, have been induced to put on 
the gown in order the more effectually to conceal their 
studies. I have been acquainted with several gentlemen, 
who informed me that long before the present struggle 
in South America, they had been surprized at the liberal 
sentiments of this class, and at the extraordinary avidity 
with which they gathered up every thing which related 
to our country. 

Although incredible pains were taken by the Spanish 
government to shut out from the colonies all information, 
all knowledge of a liberal kind, and notwithstanding also 
all books were proscribed whose possible tendency might 
be to disclose to the Southern Americans the important 
secret that they were men, yet it was utterly impossible to 
exclude every kind of learning: some branches were 
even encouraged in order to divert the attention from 
more dangerous studies; they had their colleges and 
seminaries of learning in the principal cities and towns, 
as well as schools for teaching the first elements ; while 
the sons of many of the more wealthy, as was the case 
in our own country, were sent abroad. In a philosophical 
point of view, there is nothing so vain as this attempt 
to force the thoughts into a particular channel like a 
stream of water. The reading of any book can do little 
more than set the mind in motion; and when we 
once begin to think, who but the Divinity can set 
bounds to our thoughts ? The mere reading of an edict 
forbidding a book to be read, might give rise to a 



23 



train of thought infinitely more dangerous than the 
book itself. 

In Southern America, as well as in the North, sub- 
sistence was easily obtained ; and from the thinness of the 
population, men were worth much more than in the 
thickly settled, starving countries of Europe. There 
was little or no hereditary nobility to look down upon 
them, and habituate them to feel an inferiority ; such 
nobility as were in the country (sprigs from old rotten 
Spanish stocks) were regarded as exotics, badly adapted 
to the climate and soil. In general, each one was the fa- 
bricator of his own forturfe. The only real distinction of 
rank was that of superior wealth, talents, or office ; the 
exotic nobility, who aspired to something more, were no 
better than strangers, often contemptible in themselves, 
and secretly despised by all classes of the natives. I do 
not see that I risk much in boldly asserting, that our 
Southern brethren, taken collectively, were better fitted 
for liberty (Switzerland excepted) than any part of Eu- 
rope. The shepherds of America are a bold, vigorous, 
manly race of men, and from the very nature of their 
employments, serious and contemplative. While the 
European Spaniards were sinking into indolence, and 
losing the manly spirit of independence which formerly 
placed them above all their neighbours, and which would 
still show itself under a different government, that spirit 
was cherished and improving in the colonies, and all that 
is now wanting, is to direct it to a noble purpose. The 
agricultural part of the population was more free, and 
gained a more easy subsistence than their European 
brethren ; it was not in the power of Spain to prevent 
this. The merchants and mechanics of towns, in like 
manner, from the greater facility of living, had more time 



24 



for reflection than persons in the same class in countries 
which are crowded. It is in the nature of things, that 
there should be more general equality among the natives 
of the Spanish colonies than in European countries. 
Persons there were, it is true, who possessed very large 
estates, but these were of their own acquiring, or of their 
immediate ancestors. One of the richest individuals in 
New Spain, I have been informed, was a few years ago, 
a mule driver. We should fall into the greatest errors, 
if we formed our opinion of the essential moral state of 
the colony by the European state from which it sprung. 
There are characteristics which run through all the colo- 
nies, of whatsoever nation they may be ; and an opinion 
much more accurate may be formed of their character, 
by an attentive examination of our own, than by taking 
the old state, or mere theory, or the slanders of enemies, 
as a guide. 

The specimens of Southern Americans we have had in 
this country, within a few years past, are surely not such 
as to justify the opinions which many of us entertain of 
the character and capacities of those people. The coun- 
tries which can produce such men asClemente,and Gaul, 
are surely not sunk in brutish ignorance, or incapable of 
rational self-government. These we have heard to 
breathe sentiments of manly independence and of exalted 
patriotism, which until now were thought to belong only 
to Greece or Rome. With shame, have I heard these 
men complain that we regarded all their countrymen as 
sunk below the rest of their species — that we were entire- 
ly unacquainted even with their geography, and that 
many of us treat, their cause with a contemptuous indif- 
ference. I blush for the vanity and selfishness of my 
countrymen, who are unwilling to allow the common at- 



25 



tributes of humanity to these generous men, who have of- 
fered their lives and fortunes to purchase freedom for 
their beloved native soil. 

Happily for my fellow men, all the efforts of despots 
will not suffice to arrest the progress of the human mind 
in America. Spain has adopted a system calculated to 
retard the general prosperity of her colonies ; she has gra- 
tified her cupidity by the most reproachful exactions, yet 
the vast extent of the new world, and the facility of ob- 
taining subsistence, rendered it impossible to exercise ty- 
ranny of a mere personal nature to any great degree. The 
American has always been a freeman, in spite of tyranni- 
cal measures, which only tended to retard the aggregate 
prosperity; the individual was free, from the very nature 
of the country which he occupied. Let us not imitate the 
egotism of the British, who assert that they are the only 
people in the Universe who can enjoy a rational and 
manly freedom. Let us believe that freedom may be en- 
joyed in more than one form 3 Switzerland was free ; the 
Italian republics were free; Holland was free, though 
each in a different form. Southern America, too, will 
be free, and there is reason to believe, will be free as we 
are. There is ample reason why we should be cautious 
in pronouncing hastily on the character of our brethren 
of the South. Has humanity no claim upon us ? Is it 
more than fair, to allow the patriots at least an opportu- 
nity of proving whether they are, or are not, worthy of 
the glorious privilege of independence? What injury to 
the world can result from the experiment? Surely no 
state in which they can be placed, can be worse for the 
interests of mankind, for the cause of human nature, than 
a return to the withering grasp of Spain, resolved as she 

E 



%6 



is, rather than not rule, to rule over ruined cities and de- 
serted plains. 

The character of Old Spain itself, although at present 
sunk so low, I have already said, was formerly of a very 
opposite kind. We are wrong in supposing that Spa- 
niards are insensible to the charms of liberty, or that 
they are ignorant of the principles of free government. 
The Spanish history is full of the noblest traits of patri- 
otism, from the time of Viriato down to that of Palafox. 
There are at the same time, proofs of the resolution of 
the people, in opposing the despotic and tyrannical mea- 
sures of princes. The conduct of the Cortes, and the 
provincial J untas, prove that they are not incapable of 
governing themselves in the most popular forms. The 
defence of the country, in times of the greatest difficulty, 
was conducted by these assemblies in the most spirited 
manner, while the legitimate sovereign, instead of me- 
ditating, like English Alfred, the means of regaining his 
kingdom, was busied in the occupation of a woman-^a 
nun — in embroidering petticoats ! Liberty is not even yet 
extinct among the people of Spain. The constitution, or 
form of government, adopted by them, contained all the 
finest features of those of England and the United States, 
while the colonies at the same moment, breathed senti- 
ments still more free. The friends of humanity enter- 
tained hopes that Spain, under a limited monarchy, 
would assume her former station in Europe ; but these 
hopes have been disappointed by the treacherous ingra- 
titude and bigotry of the miserable creature who now 
usurps the throne — a throne which he had before re- 
nounced, and which was restored to him by his subjects, 
on conditions that he has basely violated. 



ffl 

The Juntas and Cabildos have always existed in the 
Spanish monarchy; they are popular assemblies which 
place no inconsiderable share of the government in the 
hands of the subject, and like theTrial by J ury in England, 
have accustomed the people to feel themslves something 
more than cyphers in the state. From the necessity of the 
thing, these popular assemblies or councils, were more in 
use in the colonies than in old Spain, which circumstance, 
taken in conjunction with the greater degree of personal 
freedom and independence in the colonies, on account of 
the remoteness of the settlements, must have rendered 
the people of a very different cast from the slaves of an 
absolute despotism. It is not so difficult a thing to be 
free as some would lead us to believe ; it is the natural 
condition of man — he is for ever struggling to return to 
the state for which he is destined by Nature. — On the 
other hand, slavery is a forced and artificial condition, 
which can only be maintained by binding the mind and 
body with vile chains. What is there in nature to prevent 
the patriots, after freeing themselves of the foreign des- 
potism put over them, from establishing, in time, mild 
and wholesome governments ? They cannot want for in- 
formation with respect to the true principles of such go- 
vernment; they live in an age sufficiently enlightened on 
this subject ; there is to be found both precept and ex- 
ample ; they will have nothing more to do than to choose 
such as suit them. Their intercourse with the English 
and with ourselves, cannot fail to aid them in forming 
correct opinions on political matters. They may, like us, 
adopt the free principles of the English government^ 
without the scaffolding which hides and deforms the 
building; they will not be likely to establish a monarchy 
from the want of genuine royal blood ; for their best fa- 

E2 



28 



milies, as with us, can trace their ancestry but little be- 
yond the universal deluge. 

It is not always safe to reason from what has been, 
to what will be. If some parts of the old world have 
failed iii the establishment of free government, this may 
arise from a thousand causes which cannot operate in the 
new world ; and here, moreover, there may be a thou- 
Scind causes favourable to free government, which are no 
where else to be found. A sapient English writer as- 
serted that we could establish no permanent government, 
because we had no lords or royal family, that we must 
therefore fall into a state of anarchy, for without govern- 
ment, said he, man can no more live than a fish without 
water to swim in. ce Admitting it as fact," replied our 
venerable Franklin, " that we shall not be able to es- 
tablish governments of any kind, the consequence does 
not follow in America, whatever it might in England ; 
the Indians have no government, in the proper sense of 
the word; many of our remote settlements are without 
government, excepting such as the majority submits to, 
by a tacit consent ; the colonists, in general, as respects 
their internal concerns, live under governments that have 
not the weight of a feather compared to those of Eu- 
rope." In fact, it is a matter of astonishment to Eu- 
ropeans, on their arrival in this country, to find it en- 
tirely destitute of government, for that which they can 
neither see nor feel, they presume not to exist ; and yet 
I would ask, do they not find themselves equally secure ? 
This state of things arises from circumstances peculiar to 
the colonies of America, and common to them all — cir- 
cumstances which have operated much more powerfully 
than our own great wisdom, or the magic of the prin- 
ciples first derived froai Britain and purified in America. 



29 



There are facts which speak loudly in favour of the in- 
tentions of the South Americans. In all the colonies in 
which the standard of independence has been raised, a 
formal appeal has been made to the civilized world, set- 
ting forth the causes by which they were actuated. These 
public declarations are couched in terms similar to our 
own act of the same kind, and evidently dictated by the 
same spirit. Their proclamations, their political writ- 
ings, are such as we might safely own in this country. 
These cannot have failed to have reached the minds of 
the young and ardent ; and those who are growing up, 
will cherish them through life. I have been told by a 
gentleman who has frequently questioned the boys of the 
most common class, " what are you?" — u a patriot" — 
" why are you a patriot ?" — " because I will defend my 
country against invaders; because I do not like that my 
country should be governed by strangers, and because I 
wish to be free."— -The establishment of newspapers has 
invariably followed the expulsion of the Spanish autho- 
rities ; the enlightened and liberal political dissertations 
with which these papers are filled, furnish sufficient re- 
futation to the slanders of their enemies. Correct no- 
tions on political subjects, are, it is true, confined to a 
smaller number than they were amongst us at the com- 
mencement of our political struggle; but the desire to 
free themselves from foreign power, has completely taken 
possession of the great mass of the people. Our con- 
stitutions are translated and distributed every where, as 
well as our best revolutionary writings. Two young 
lawyers were expressly employed for this purpose by the 
government of Venezuela, and sent to Philadelphia, 
where they executed many translations. It would cer- 
tainly be very strange, if, in this long protracted strug- 



30 



gle, a struggle calculated to rouze all the dormant fa- 
culties and energies of man, no advancement should have 
been made in political knowledge. I will mention another 
fact, which furnishes additional presumption in favour of 
the patriots, and which at the same time cannot but be 
grateful to every American bosom — it is the spontaneous 
affection and esteem, uniformly, and on all occasions, 
manifested towards the citizens and government of these 
States. The Americans are hailed as brothers; they are 
admired, they are received with unbounded confidence; 
the success and prosperity of the United States is their 
continued theme ; and it is the topic which keeps alive 
their resolution in their most gloomy and trying moments. 
How easywould it be to secure, for ever, the friendship 
of people so disposed ! How much is in our power, in 
shaping the character of nations destined to act so im- 
portant a part in the affairs of the world ! Any consider- 
able changes for the better, in the government of Eu- 
rope, is, for the present, hopeless, and cannot be ef- 
fected but by slow degrees ; moreover, it is not wise po- 
licy in us to concern ourselves about them, but it will be 
inexcusable in us to remain indifferent as to the nature 
of the government of our American neighbours. The 
value of a house depends not a little upon the neighbour- 
hood in which it stands ; our situation may be better or 
worse, from the character of those who adjoin us — sur- 
rounded, fortunately for us, we cannot be. The patriots 
are Well aware, that the individual Americans entertain 
the most ardent wishes for their success, but they com- 
plain that our government is cold towards them, as if 
ashamed to own them ; they are unable to assign the reason 
why, in a republic, the government should be indifferent, 
and the people animated by the most anxious interest. 



31 



In contrasting the efforts of these people to throw off 
the Spanish yoke, with our own efforts, and with those 
of other nations, we shall find that on this score there 
will be no reason to despise them. How long, for in- 
stance, did Spain struggle to free herself from the Moors? 
How long did the Swiss contend, in their almost inac- 
cessible mountains, before they could earn the glorious 
privilege of having a government of their own? Holland 
contended forty years against Spain, through a thousand 
vicissitudes of fortune ; to conciliate the different courts 
of Europe, she repeatedly offered to receive a king from 
any of them, but none was weak enough to believe that 
she was serious. There are many things in the history 
of our struggle, of which we have not much reason to be 
proud. We had many difficulties to encounter amongst 
ourselves ; out of a population of two millions and a 
half, it was with the greatest difficulty we could raise in- 
considerable armies, while their supplies were always 
deficient. A contest which, if we had united, if the vi- 
gorous had fought, if the rich had furnished means, if 
all had persevered with constancy and firmness to act 
their parts, would soon have terminated, was protracted 
for seven years, and with the aid of a powerful nation. 
We ought to make some allowance for the South Ame* 
ricans. The incidents of our revolutionary war do not 
authorize us to speak with contempt of the efforts of a 
people who labour under a thousand disadvantages, which 
did not necessarily belong to our situation. The contest 
in South America has already lasted seven years, with a 
variety of success ; but its general progress has been re- 
tarded in the same manner as ours, by the prospect of 
reconciliation. Before the formation of the constitution, 
by which the colonies were placed on an equal footing 



\ 




32 



with Spain, the patriots were every where successful ; 
by this they were lulled into dangerous security, until 
they found, that instead of a ratification of this instru- 
ment, which had been the means of restoring Ferdinand 
to his throne, this ungrateful monarch suddenly threw 
all his disposable troops into different portions of the con- 
tinent, and directed all his efforts to reduce them to ab- 
solute subjection. He pursued a system of cruelty and 
extermination unparalleled in the history of the world ; 
the monsters who perpetrated these atrocities will be 
held up in the darkest page of the bloody and monkish 
reign of Ferdinand. It is not surprizing that the patriots 
should have experienced reverses; it is not surprizing that, 
in the midst of these scenes of horrid carnage, they should 
not have had time to establish every where well ordered 
governments. But we find that they are again regaining 
the ascendency, even where the Spaniards appeared at 
first to carry every thing before them. Notwithstanding 
the fabrications of the enemies of the patriots, stubborn 
facts prove to us, that they are in the full tide of success. 
In the vast provinces of Granada, Venezuela, and Guy- 
ana, the royalists have little more than a slight foothold 
on the coast and in the cities, while all the interior ac- 
knowledges no subjection, but is continually sending out 
parties of armed men, which, like our militia, cannot be 
long retained in a body, or may not be efficient in front- 
ing a regular disciplined force, yet, must ultimately de- 
stroy the enemy in detail. The contest in this section of 
South America can scarcely be doubtful; a country more 
extensive than the old thirteen states, inhabited by two 
millions of people scattered over its vast surface, cannot 
be subdued by a few thousand foreign troops. These, in 
fact, perish on the sea coast, without daring to penetrate 



S3 



the interior, while the Spaniards would make us believe, 
that because they have taken possession of a few mari- 
time towns, the country is therefore subdued. If the 
inconsiderable territory of Holland or Switzerland could 
resist with success, why may not countries twenty times 
their extent resist invaders who are compelled to tra- 
verse an ocean of three thousand miles? The conquest 
of such countries is a project of madness: Spain may 
send army after army of executioners to be destroyed, 
while the colonists will be every day gathering fresh 
strength and resolution, and their detestation of their 
enemies is continually increasing. Is it possible that 
the colonies, after the dreadful barbarities committed by 
the Spaniards, can ever be their subjects ? There is no 
part of that country which has not borne testimony of 
the demoniac cruelty of the invaders ; these must ever 
be present to their memories. — Nothing short of total ex- 
termination of the people can ever place these countries 
again in peaceable possession of Spain; this is the only 
hope remaining to her despicable fury. She exhibits at 
the same time, the contemptible character of a mendi- 
cant for assistanoe to all the courts of Europe, tacitly 
acknowledging that without this, her colonies are lost ; 
she is going about like the wolf, with a bone in her 
throat, but no one will take compassion on the hateful 
monster. 

The united provinces of La Plata, as well as Chili 
and Peru, are already lost to Spain for ever. For seven 
years, the first of these has remained entirely unmo- 
lested, opening a free intercourse with all nations, and 
already beginning to feel the advantages of independence. 
So far from being in danger of the power of Spain, the 
Buenos Ayreans have been able to detach a sufficient 

F 



34 



force to assist their brethren and neighbours of Chili, and 
put an end to the Spanish power in that colony. Peru 
must soon follow the condition of Chili ; the power of 
Spain once annihilated in this quarter, can never be re- 
stored ; she can only send troops round Cape Horn, (an 
enterprize beyond her strength) or through the province 
of La Plata. Five millions of souls are therefore free; 
they have now an opportunity of enjoying that blessing 
so much desired by all nations, as well as by individuals, 
of directing their own course — of pursuing their happi-< 
ness in their own way. May Heaven guide them in the 
proper use of it, is my most ardent prayer ! 

The situation of Mexico, which, perhaps, more nearly 
concerns us than any other part of the world, it is diffi- 
cult precisely to ascertain. The nature of its coast, its 
want of ports, its secluded situation, enables the royal- 
ists to keep from us all correct information as to the state 
of the interior. A thousand petty artifices and fabrica- 
tions are used to impose upon the world, in this in- 
stance, as well as in every thing which concerns the 
colonies. The Spaniards are continually spreading ridi- 
culous rumours of the entire submission of the country ; 
of large armies arriving, and of measures taken by Euro- 
pean allies. Has Spain yet succeeded in persuading the 
colonies, contrary to every wish of the human heart- — 
contrary to the plainest dictates of reason, that it would 
be better for them to continue her abject slaves, than to 
follow their own inclinations and be great and happy ? 
Has she convinced them that slavery is better than free- 
dom — that poverty is better than abundance — that to be 
ruled by another's will, is better than to pursue our own 
inclination — that to be robbed, is better than to be se- 
cured in our possessions — that to be shut up like felons 



35 



and denied all intercourse with other men, is the most 
agreeable condition of society ? If she has succeeded in 
these things, we may then presume that her power is 
again established. 

These idle fabrications are now well understood to 
form a part of the system to which Spain has been driven, 
and are therefore no longer believed. We have little 
or no information from Mexico, that is not derived from 
Spanish authority, and therefore entirely unworthy of 
belief, excepting where it makes against themselves. 
According to their own account, all resistance in Mexico 
had ceased a year ago ; and yet we find that they still 
continue to gain the most splendid victories. The pro- 
bability is, that the contest still prevails, and that the 
Spaniards are growing every day more feeble. It is now 
nine months since General Mina landed with a handful 
of men ; the first news we had of him from the Spaniards, 
was his total annihilation, and yet it now appears that 
he has hastily fled into the very heart of a populous 
country, at the head of four times the numbers with 
which he landed, with the intention of joining General 
Vittoria, a chief whose name has been heretofore con- 
cealed by the royalists ! But an intercepted letter writ- 
ten last November, by a bishop at Valladolid, describes 
the situation of the country to be such as we should natu- 
rally expect. His letter expresses the most complete 
despair — mentions several leaders who are in consider- 
able force, and speaks of the whole country as having 
thrown off all restraint of government, and living free 
from the controul of Spain, whose armies can do no more 
than escape from one town to another, losing many of 
their numbers on the way. Torrents of blood have al- 

F % 



36 



ready been shed in the war of New Spain ; its inhabitants 
from the first, laboured under peculiar difficulties ; the 
only arms which they could procure, were wrenched from 
the hands of their oppressors ; they are still but badly 
armed, and without dicipline, although becoming every 
day more formidable. 

Should the South American patriots succeed at last in 
compel ling the Spanish invaders to cease their attempts 
— to suffer them to remain in quietness, what will be the 
probable result ? Their enemies will of course say, that 
they will fall into dissentions and civil wars, and finally 
destroy each other. The same friendly anticipation was 
continually repeated respecting the United States ; and 
as it has turned out to be false in this instance, why may 
it not be false also with respect to South America ? It 
was said, amongst other silly things, that the difference 
of habits in the northern and southern sections of this 
country would produce hostility; "what!" exclaimed 
an American writer, " do you suppose that because the 
people of New England sell cod-fish, and the Virginians 
tobacco, that they must therefore fight." What causes 
of difference can exist, for instance, between Mexico 
and New Granada, or between them and the provinces 
south of the Amazons, or between the colonies east and 
west of the Cordilleras ? The long narrow Isthmus of 
Darien will always keep the two first at a distance from 
each other ; the vast tracts of country from the Orinoco 
to the Plata, and the extensive dominions of Portugal, as 
large as all Europe, which intervene, will form, if pos- 
sible, a more complete separation. The Andes, not to 
be traversed at some seasons, and always a barrier more 
difficult to pass than the Pyrenees, if the inhabitants of 



37 



either side do not choose to open the way, will enable 
the Republic of the Pacific, at any time, to shut out the 
armies of the Atlantic side. 

In fact the confused ideas which we have of the inte- 
rior of South America, lead us into the strangest errors 
of opinion. The colonies of Spain now struggling for 
independence, are separated by nature into five distinct 
compartments, with much greater difficulties of inter- 
course than the United States with Mexico. This has 
been one great cause of their want of success. They are 
unable to co-operate or pursue a common plan. The 
provinces beyond the Isthmus, could have no communi- 
cations with Mexico, and they were separated by impas- 
sible deserts of several thousand miles from Buenos 
Ayres, and still more from Chili. The character of the 
population of these distant compartments is also very dif- 
ferent ; the great number of civilized Indians or mixed 
races in Mexico, is an important feature ; the provinces 
on the other side of the Isthmus, and along the Main, 
have a greater proportion of people of colour ; while the 
inhabitants of the colonies on the side of the Brazils are 
composed like ourselves, of the descendants of Euro- 
peans chiefly ; and on the Pacific, the population is of a 
kind still more homogeneous. We were continually in 
the habit of forming- our opinions of American affairs, 
from the news we received from the contest in Granada 
or Venezuela, which had nothing more to do with the con- 
test on the Plata and west of the Andes, than the war of 
India with that of Spain. It is in Granada and Vene- 
zuela, that the war, carried on, fry the royalists and the 
patriots;, has assumed that shocking and exterminating 
cast of which so many instances are recited. It was here 
that Spain directed her greatest efforts ; it is here we are 



38 



told the people are split and divided into factions among 
themselves — that they are fighting without concert or 
plan, under no common chief, and that they have yet 
established no regular government. It ought however to 
be considered, that this country had once been entirely 
in the possession of the patriots who had succeeded 
in establishing governments, which for two years went 
on with regularity ; but when Spain was free to throw in 
her whole disposable force, their cities were taken and 
their leading men basely assassinated. Would not our 
own country have exhibited a similar picture, if our 
patriots had been compelled to fly beyond the Alleganies, 
and all the leaders of our revolution treacherously seized 
and put to death ? This was never the state of La Plata; 
Chili for a time was overrun, but she has again risen, 
and in close alliance with La Plata, may safely bid de- 
fiance to Spain. 

It will be said, however, that it will not be between 
these distant empires of Mexico, Granada, or La Plata, 
that dissentions are to be feared, but that in each parti- 
cular province, factions, rivalries, contests for prece- 
dence, conflicting parties will have place. Such conse- 
quences, I admit, would probably be dangerous any 
where but in America. In Europe, if the nobility were 
permitted to indulge their ambition without restraint, the 
rivalries of different houses would naturally terminate in 
civil wars, and if nobles and kings were put down, mobs 
would rule ; but in America there are neither nobility nor 
mobs like those of Europe ; every man in a thinly inha- 
bited country, counts something ; there are no lazzaroni, 
there are no miserable creatures * who beg for leave to 
toil," there are no materials for mercenary troops and 
standing armies, and the inhabitants scattered over a vast 



39 



surface of country, are not carried away by gusts of po- 
pular phrenzy, wrought up by the designing and ambi- 
tious. Ninty-nine out of a hundred of the European 
wars, have arisen from the intrigues and private feuds of 
families, and for causes in which, the nations had no 
concern, and nearly all the mobs, or popular commo- 
tions, have been occasioned by the want of bread. 
There is nothing in which the wise politicians of Europe 
are so apt to err, as in their application of experience 
derived entirely from their own countries, to a state of 
things altogether different. It is not to be expected, 
however, that the emancipated colonies are to settle 
down into sober order, and to form regular governments, 
without considerable fermentation. To establish govern- 
ments, is not a matter easily effected under the most 
favourable circumstances; diversity of opinions, loud 
quarrels, and even partial recurrence to arms, are things 
to be expected. So great a work as that of the settling 
a form of government, cannot take place without consi- 
derable agitations. For twenty years after we became 
free, we were continually engaged in political dissentions, 
and Europe believed at one moment, that we were ap- 
proaching the borders of despotism, and those of anarchy 
at another. Perhaps these very dissentions were proofs 
of political health. We have not been without our in- 
surrections, our reign of terror, our plots to subvert 
the government, and our deportations. These things 
led people abroad to think that we were on the eve of 
dissolution, while in reality our government was gradu- 
ally acquiring consistency, and our habits forming with 
it. Many things which were formerly subjects of dispute 
are now perfectly plain. Our progress in information 
has been inconceivable ; there are more readers and 



40 



thinkers on politics in the United States than in all Eu- 
rope; there is no American, no matter whether he re- 
sides in the remotest forest, or in the most obscure dell, 
who is not as regularly informed of every thing that 
passes in his own country, and abroad, as a minister of 
state. I have not a doubt, that great advancement has 
been made in South America since the commencement 
of their struggle; the mind which has been let loose, 
must have fallen upon those opinions and sentiments so 
congenial to the human heart. If this light has not yet 
penetrated the mass of society, it will in time, and in the 
mean while there will be sufficient numbers under its 
influence. The examples of the French revolution will 
teach them many things they must avoid, and ours will 
shew both things to be avoided and which may be safely 
followed. The Americans every where, are a sober re- 
flecting people, mild and gentle in their manners, yet 
patient, courageous, and persevering. It is barely pos- 
sible that the military chieftains, who now command the 
armies which oppose their invaders, should succeed in 
establishing some kind of limited monarchy ; for despot- 
ism I consider impossible, where there is so large a por- 
tion of the well informed — a reason perhaps for the pre- 
servation of monarchy in Europe, but the reverse in 
America. 

Under whatever government the five American empires 
may be placed, their condition must be rapidly amelio- 
rated. But should they happily imitate the wise policy 
of the United States, in opening a free trade with all 
nations, receiving and tolerating all foreigners, they 
must rapidly increase in population, and all their re- 
sources will be quickly brought into action. They will 
attract the ingenious and enterprizing from every part of 



41 



the world ; a spring will be given to. their industry ; 
plains, now uninhabited will be peopled ; cities will rise, 
and improvements will be speedily effected throughout 
all the ramifications of society. The discovery of Ame- 
rica will then indeed be complete. The United States, 
as being in the vicinity, will certainly be more perma- 
nently benefited ; but Europe in general, and more par- 
ticularly England, will derive incalculable advantages. 
The time will come when Europe will visit America for the 
double purpose of enjoying her vast commerce and of find' 
ing a passage to the East; America will then be the centre 
of commercial attraction to the whole world. We shall 
then verify the poetic prediction of Bishop Berkeley : 

" Westward the course of empire takes its way, 

" The four first acts already past ; 
" A fifth shall close the drama with the day : 

" Time's noblest offspring is the last." 

This will be a mighty revolution not brought about by 
wars, by violence, by injustice, but one in which all 
will find an interest, and which will therefore be har- 
monious and peaceful. The change in the track of com- 
merce to the East has three times produced the most sur- 
prizing revolutions in the affairs of the civilized world; 
the Isthmus of Darien, that unfortunate wall, which 
three hundred years ago arrested the noble ardour of 
Columbus, will yet give way, and open a short and 
direct passage to Hindostan and China*. This great 

* The following is extracted from the Edinburgh Review of Mo* 
lina's account of Chili. It proves that the idea of a passage to the 
South Sea is not visionary, and at the same time shows how incon- 
sistent is the policy of Spain with the great and permanent interests 
of the colonies and of the world : — 

" In the year 1805, a spherical chart of the sea of the Antilles, and 
of the coast of Terra Firma, from the Island of Trinidad to the Gulph 

G 



42 



event may be long retarded by Spain, should Europe 
close her eyes to her true interests, and afford assistance 
to that rotten monarchy in the shocking work of putting 
back the colonies two centuries, by a system of extermi- 
nation. These ideas may be thought visionary to some, 
but they will become history sooner than many imagine. 

What would be the advantages to the United States 
from the independence of the Spanish colonies ? I defy 
any one to point out a disadvantage. Have we not al- 
ready found much benefit since the commencement of 

of Honduras, was constructed in the hydrographical department, by 
order of the Spanish government, from scientific surveys. By this 
chart an important discovery was made. The bay of Mandinga, an 
immense inlet of the sea, commencing about ten leagues to the east- 
ward of Porto Bello, penetrates into the Isthmus to within five leagues 
of the Pacific Ocean. This prodigious bason, which is almost closed 
by a chain of islands, running close to one another at the mouth, has 
never been navigated by any European except Spaniards, and was 
never supposed to run back to any considerable extent into the coun- 
try, as all the old charts in which it is marked abundantly testify. A 
river, from the name of which the bay is denominated, falls into the 
bottom of the Gulf. This river is navigable, and we know comes very 
near a branch of the Chepo, a large river which falls into the Gulf of 
Panama.— We are not yet furnished with any satisfactory details on 
the navigable state of these rivers ; but from what Alcedo tells us — 
from the circumstances of their navigation being prohibited by the Spa- 
*?iish government under pain of death, on the express ground that it might 
discover the facility of the passage to the South Sea; and from the fact 
of the buccaneers having actually penetrated from sea to sea in this 
direction, we are entitled to conclude that extraordinary facilities for 
the great enterprize are here presented. The bay has ten fathoms of 
water at the entrance, which increases to eleven in the middle, and it 
has six fathoms to the very bottom. The reviewers after proceeding 
to adduce some statements of Herrera, the famed historian of South 
America, draw Ihe following conclusion : — By this indubitable autho- 
rity, it appears, that a canal of nine leagues, through a country mostly 
flat, is all that is wanting to complete the navigation across the Isth- 
mus of Panama. 

« In the event of a complete and permanent independence of South 
America (an event highly probable) it is not unreasonable to expect, 
that within fifty years the North and South Seas will be connected. 
And what a stupendous revolution it would produce in navigation and 
commerce! — The distances to India and China would be shortened 
more than 10,000 miles." 



43 



our revolution, from the vicinity of the Spanish pro- 
vinces, notwithstanding the narrow, jealous, and re- 
stricted intercourse with them ? And whence has this 
proceeded ? From our commerce with them ; from the 
market we found there for much of our surplus agricul- 
tural produce, and from the opportunity of taking their 
produce and selling it to other nations. Should we not 
then be gainers by the extension of this market ? Let it 
be remembered that in the short period of twenty years, 
our population will, in all probability, amount to twenty 
millions ; that manufactures will be much increased in 
the Eastern section of the Union ; that our shipping will 
want employment ; and that the increase in the demands 
of Europe, in all probability, will not keep pace with 
the increase in our surplus, but that we shall always find 
a ready and profitable market in free South America. 
Our country is peculiarly well situated to maritime enter* 
prize ; our two thousand miles of Atlantic coast are 
wonderfully penetrated with fine bays and inlets, and 
traversed by large rivers. We have already made the 
most surprizing progress in maritime affairs 5 but since 
the peace in Europe, we are not able to enter into a com- 
petition with Europeans in commerce across the Atlantic; 
the West Indies and South America are the proper fields 
for our commerce, and the more those fields are enlarged 
the better it will be. New Spain, unquestionably the 
finest part of the new world, and destined by nature to 
be the richest part of America, and even now containing 
six millions of souls, is without a single sea port on the 
Atlantic, and can scarcely ever own a ship; her trade 
must therefore be carried on by us, who are her next door 
neighbours. This alone would indemnify us for the loss 
of the carrying trade. Our northern ship owners are 

G2 



44 



much more nearly interested in their independence than 
they may imagine. As respects other parts of South 
America, we should at least enter into a fair competition 
with the English, and perhaps even possess considerable 
advantage from our vicinity. 

There is another consideration deserving attention. 
There may be in many things a common American conti- 
nental interest, in opposition to an European interest. I 
am no advocate for the visionary idea of a great Ame- 
rican Congress on the Isthmus, but there may exist an 
understanding upon a variety of subjects of general con- 
cern. The weight and importance of each state will be 
wonderfully increased by this vicinage of independent 
states, even if there should be no alliance. The United 
States are at present a single isolated power, and the 
monarchs across the Atlantic are under no apprehensions 
that other nations will make a common cause with us 
when our rights are violated. Suppose, for example, the 
existence of several governments on this continent, en- 
tirely free from any connection with Europe, and com- 
pletely beyond her controul — beyond the vortex of any 
of her primary interests, would the British, or any other 
government, in this case, have set at naught the rights 
of neutrals ? No, she would have placed too high a 
value on the good will of America to have sported with 
them so lightly. 

It was for this reason that we rejoiced at the establish- 
ment of an independent American sovereignty in the 
Brazils. We entertained hopes that this sovereignty, as 
American, would be friendly to us. We had reason to 
believe, from the reception of our agents, that we should 
not be disappointed. We found, however, that during 
the late war (from the nature of his relations with Eng- 



45 



land) the King of the Brazils leaned rather to the side of 
our enemy. We are not in the habit of violating the 
rights of others, at the same time we do not easily forget 
injuries ; it seemed to us that the affair of the privateer 
Armstrong, at Fayal, did not excite that sensation at the 
Brazilian court which it ought to have excited. For this, 
however, I am disposed to make allowance ; and the ap- 
pointment as Minister to this government, of a man who 
had made our country his choice, who was on terms of 
friendship with many of our most distinguished fellow- 
citizens, who was supposed to be too much a republican 
for Europe, had the appearance of complimenting our 
institutions, and seeking a friendly understanding. It 
must now be the interest of the King of the Brazils to 
make his country flourish, and the sooner he gets rid of 
his European possessions the better. I must confess I 
felt hurt at the manner in which the late insurrection was 
noticed in our newspapers. I should not be surprized, if 
to the Brazilian court it should have appeared a conclu- 
sive proof of the deepest enmity towards it, on the part 
of this country. Now, I do not see what greater right 
we have to be ill natured towards a government because 
its form is monarchical, than such government has to be 
inimical to us because we are a republic ; at least, if we 
display this temper towards others, we have no right to 
complain that it is manifested towards us. With respect 
to the insurrection at Pernambuco, we were led into an 
error, by confounding it with the struggle of the Patriots, 
while their situation and their cause were, in fact, very 
different ; whatever we may think of the form, the Bra- 
zilians had already obtained the great object for which 
the Americans are contending — a government within them' 
selves. The affair of Pernambuco was nothing more than 



46 



the revolt of an adjoining province, and we had no more 
right to intermeddle with it than with a French or Eng- 
lish insurrection. It is by confounding things in this 
manner that the cause of the Patriots is injured. 

The independence of America from Europe is the first 
great object to be attained. Compared to this every con- 
sideration is of minor importance: The establishment 
of governments, founded on the most free and liberal 
principles, inasmuch as this must tend to our own happi- 
ness, the happiness of our fellow men, and the more 
rapid improvement of America, is certainly the next thing 
to be desired. The independence and freedom of this 
continent are two things we should, as far as is practi- 
cable, consider as inseparable; yet, if any part of South 
America should adopt forms not agreeable to our notions, 
it would be the height of arrogance on our part to de- 
cline their friendship, and ridiculous to make war upon 
them on that account. It would be highly offensive and 
insulting on our part to dictate to any people the kind of 
government they ought to adopt; true republican libe- 
rality forbids it. I must confess we are too much in the 
habit of intermeddling with the interior concerns of other 
nations. Let us cherish our own institutions; but we 
may do this with less boasting of ourselves, or fault-find- 
ing with others. In case of the adoption of constitutions 
by the Patriots, formed on principles somewhat liberal, 
we need not fear but that both our own enterprizing and 
intelligent countrymen and the individual Englishmen 
who visit those countries, will give them useful hints in 
the establishment of their governments. They will have 
to do, principally, with the two nations to whom the 
true principles of free government are best known in 
theory and practice. There is every reason to believe 



• 



47 



that we 9hall unite in the most perfect harmony with the 
subjects of Great Britain in effecting this noble work. 
I am under no apprehensions that my countrymen will 
be unable to enter into a fair competition with the Eng- 
lish; these will perhaps reap the first crop from the inde- 
pendence of South America, but we shall obtain a much 
more solid and permanent footing. In us the Patriots 
can much more fully and safely confide, as enter- 
taining wishes for their welfare very different from 
those of England, which will desire their prosperity for 
the sake of enjoying their commerce; while over and 
above this selfish motive, we desire it for the sake of 
more important considerations, and which will be mutual; 
besides, we receive a pleasure and feel a sympathy which 
others cannot know, from the sight of colonies engaged 
in a contest similar to the one of which we form our 
pride and boast. We wish them success, because they 
are endeavouring to free themselves from Europe — be- 
cause they are Americans, and because their success and 
happiness will afford additional security to our own. We 
ought not to be jealous of the English because they assist 
the Patriots; we should rejoice at it. The Patriots are 
sufficiently aware that the English have a boundless 
ambition, that they are desirous of having possessions in 
every part of the globe; they know at the same time, 
that we have no colonies, and never will have any ; that our 
only ambition is to fill up the territory we already possess, 
or which we claim, and to enjoy a fair commerce with 
other parts of the world. The charge made against us of 
entertaining ambitious views, similar to those of Euro- 
pean nations, is too ridiculous to deserve a refutation. 
We have a fixed boundary given us by the consent of 
European nations themselves, beyond which neither our 



48 



wishes nor the nature of our government will permit us 
to stray. Within that boundary, we are ambitious to 
improve the lands which at this time are lying waste, by 
which the whole human family will be as much benefited 
as ourselves. Our war in Canada was not a war for the 
sake of extending our territory, it was for our own safety, 
and for the sake of future peace. It is questionable whether 
we should accept it now, if offered to us for nothing. And 
who is it that thus accuse us of ambitious designs ? They 
are foxes and wolves who are preaching. This will not de- 
ceive the Patriots of South America; they will confide in us. 

The preponderance of the United States in the affairs 
of America, will be a natural one, and which can give 
no offence ; it will arise from being the elder state, from 
having a more numerous, a more homogeneous, a more 
active, and in general, a more enlightened population; 
from a greater disinterestedness, regard to justice, and 
love of peace. The United States will be the natural head of 
the New World. Having already a government well 
consolidated, proved, and settled down, holding a dis- 
tinguished rank in the world, advancing with amazing 
rapidity, they must far outstrip any of the American em- 
pires. Mexico, it is true, may one day vie with us in 
some respects, but being necessarily a mere inland state, 
she never can be equal to us in strength; it will be long 
before the Brazils, provinces of La Plata, New Granada, 
Chili, and Peru, or other parts of South America, which 
cannot coalesce, will be able to overtake us. In stretch- 
ing the vision into futurity, we look in vain for those 
causes of war which continually desolate Europe ; if sys- 
tems like our own are established, where peace is the great 
end of all our wishes, where the happiness of society 
alone is consulted, and not the vanity of priviledged fa- 



49 



milies, we may live a thousand years without a quarrel, 
Jf all the nations in the world were governed by the same 
principles that we are, there would be an end to wars. 

The patriots have, at this moment, agents near all the 
courts of Europe. We have been told that they have 
made propositions to some of them incompatible with the 
very object they are struggling for. We should be on our 
guard against their enemies, who will be very busy in 
circulating stories to their disadvantage. It is natural 
that the patriots should be desirous of conciliating the 
nations of Europe — at least, prevail on them to remain 
neutral. I believe they have little to fear ; neither Eu- 
ropean interest, nor inclination, nor honour, leads to 
take part with Spain in the hellish work of extermi- 
nation, carried on by this wretched monarchy. They 
know well the disposition of this country ; from us they 
have nothing to fear. It might be doubted how much 
French influence or English influence there might have 
been here, but certainly there never was much Spanish in- 
fluence. It is, therefore, natural that the Patriots should 
be chiefly solicitous to render the European nations pas- 
sive. I firmly believe that this will be the case ; they all 
sincerely join with us in wishing the independence of 
South America ; and whatever they might feel themselves 
bound to do for Spain, in case we took a part in the con- 
test, they will certainly not be disposed to undertake the 
odious task of executioners, without something of this 
kind to justify the interference. In my opinion, they 
will not interfere under any circumstances ; for surely, 
what cannot be the interest of any one singly, cannot be 
the interest of all conjointly ; and it is not their interest 
to oppose the emancipation of America. But if not dis- 
posed to consent that we shall be directly instrumental in 

H 



50 



effecting its independence, they at least expect of us to 
acknowledge the independence of such as have fairly 
earned it. It is very evident that we must be, and should 
be proud to be, the first to acknowledge the independence of 
South America, or any part of it, whenever it may be 
achieved, now, or ten years hence. It is probable, that 
some of the European powers, having objects to answer, 
may sport with the credulity of Spain; the agents of 
Spain may whisper that her cause is to be espoused by 
the great congress, but these tricks will deceive none but 
themselves. 

In what condition are the European powers to render 
her assistance ? And if they be the first to do this, shall 
we be idle ? We can render more assistance to the Pa- 
triots than all Europe can render to Spain. The fact is, 
the European states are in no condition to render such 
assistance. A sort of mysterious phrase has lately been 
introduced, for the purpose of alarming our people with 
some indescribable danger, some u deed without a name." 
— It is said, our conduct is " narrowly watched," that 
we are regarded " with no friendly eye," that " Europe 
is jealous of us." — How long is it since this language was 
got up ? But a short time since, we were " a patch-work 
republic," a " heterogeneous jarring mass," continually 
on the point of falling to pieces in consequence of our po- 
litical dissentions, weak and despisable as a nation, and 
therefore every where to be insulted with impunity. 
Now, it seems, we are to be narrowly watched ; we have 
become dangerous to Europe. — Ever running from one 
extreme into another, it appears that those who speak of 
us, are at all times equally removed from truth. The 
former set of opinions respecting us, have all been found 
erroneous ; we have shewn the world that we are not a 



51 

miserable patch-work, that we can be united, that our 
government has a sufficient energy when circumstances 
call for it, and that our political squabbles are proofs of 
health, and not of disease; they now, therefore, call us 
the Great Republic, and pretend to think that we are be- 
coming dangerous. Yes, and we are dangerous ; but it 
is to those who declare themselves our enemies, and do 
us wrong. Lawless and unprincipled individuals will be 
found in every nation ; but the true character of the Ame- 
rican government and people, is a scrupulous regard to 
the principles of justice, and a love of honourable peace. 
What, for instance, would have been the conduct of any 
of the powers of Europe, in our situation, towards Spain 
for the last fifteen years? Would any of them have pa- 
tiently borne, as we did, the aggressions and insults of 
that monarchy, when we had the means of redress so 
completely in our power? What European government 
would have forborne, like ours, to take possession of the 
Floridas and the province of Texas ? Had France or 
England been in our situation, the territories which we 
claim by the right of cession, and to which, all but the 
Spaniards themselves, now admit that we are entitled, 
would have been taken possession of long ago. East Flo- 
rida would have been sequestered on the double ground 
of the villainous spoliations of our commerce, and the 
conduct of Spain in permitting our enemy to make war 
upon us from it. Had we been governed by the ambition 
of either of those nations, we should have sent ten thou- 
sand men into Mexico, and supplied the patriots of that 
unhappy country with arms, and thus at once have 
plucked the brightest gem from the Spanish crown — we 
should have completed the revolution in Granada and 
Venezuela, and set free Peru and Chili, as well as La 

H2 



52 



Plata. All this we had in our power to effect, and I 
question much, whether twenty years hence, we shall 
not repent of having been too scrupulous, too desirous of 
maintaining a character for justice and self-denial, among 
nations who disregard both. Far from complaining, Spain 
ought to be thankful to us. 

It seems, however, that Europe is now watching us. 
What have we to fear from Europe, or Europe from us, 
to occasion this watching ? Neither can harbour the folly 
of an invasion, and in a maritime war we can do her more 
harm than she can do us. Europe will not take our 
bread, our cotton, our tobacco ! We in turn can refuse 
to take her cloths, silks, and wine ; and who would be 
the gainer ? It is said, that our republic furnishes a dan- 
gerous example of successful rebellion, which must be put 
down. If this indeed be the case, and Europe is about 
to send over a fleet of two thousand sail, and three hun- 
dred thousand men, to put down America, let us prepare 
for this mighty invasion — let us drive out Spain from the 
continent, and form a chain of confederacies with the 
Patriots ! Such notions are too visionary to be gravely 
advanced. There was a time, when even the sagacious 
Talleyrand was of opinion that any hind of war would 
shake us to pieces, not from any violence from without, 
but from explosions amongst ourselves. That time is 
gone by. The eyes of the European governments are 
opened. They know well that their political institutions 
are founded on a state of things very different from what 
exists in America ; that the example of America may give 
rise to gradual ameliorations, but not to convulsions. 
They know that they will find it much more to their ad- 
vantage to trade with us peacably, than to attempt the 
visionary project of invading us. There will still, how- 



53 



ever, in spite of the clearest reasoning, remain some be- 
clouded minds, to cherish a morbid and gloomy pleasure 
in contemplating spectres without shape or form, wrapt 
up in mists and fogs. It is in vain to attempt to divest 
them of these fears which prevent them from marching in 
the path which our interests point out. — Must we cower 
at the name of Europe, as if she were capable of stretch- 
ing some magic wand over us? The last war ought to 
have taught us to know ourselves a little better. We 
are not a petty state alongside of Europe, but a mighty 
empire, placed at such a distance, as to require twice the 
force that would be necessary to invade England herself. 
We are not on an island easily overrun, we inhabit a vast 
continent — we are not part froth and part dregs, but ten 
millions of the most effective and intelligent people, taken 
as a body, in the world! devotedly fond of our country 
and political institutions, united and enthusiastic in their 
defence. There is, moreover, far less diversity in the 
manners, habits, and language of our people, than is usu- 
ally supposed abroad ; we meet, occasionally, individuals 
of all nations, but there is a wonderful similarity in the 
natives of this extensive country. In England, or France, 
one meets a different description of people in every canton 
or county ; but in travelling over all America we shall 
find in the general population little more than inconsi- 
derable shades of difference, arising from local circum- 
stances. We are unexhausted in our resources, while 
Europe is bending under the weight of burthens, and the 
internal situations of France, England, and Spain, are 
the most deplorable. They might with some reason fear 
us, if we were a lawless banditti like the first Romans ; 
but happily for the world, we are not ; and while our re- 
publican institutions remain pure and incorrupt, Europe 



54 



will have nothing to fear from us, not even when our 
population shall amount to fifty millions, as it certainly 
will, in the natural course of things, in half a century. 
We rose from the late war with England like a giant re- 
freshed; our strength has increased at least ten -fold. 
What then have we to fear when our course is marked 
out by justice ? Let us do what we believe in conscience 
to be right, and leave the consequences to Heaven. 

It is as much the interest of England to aid the Pa- 
triots as it is ours. We ought not, therefore, to allow 
narrow jealousies to prevent us from concurring with 
them in the work of liberation. Notwithstanding all the 
intrigues of the English, we shall occupy the first place 
in the esteem and confidence of the Patriots, and we 
ought not to desire more than an equal chance of trading 
with them. If the English have rendered them essential 
service, it is but just that they should be rewarded; it 
surely cannot be the wish of any generous American that 
the English should be excluded. All that we ought to 
ask of the Patriots is, to be placed on an equal footing. 
But on this important occasion, I should like to see, for 
the honour of my countrymen, something like disin- 
terested generosity, a noble and elevated zeal for the 
happiness of the human race, and for the glory of Ame- 
rica — and not a dwarfish selfishness. There is no doubt 
but that the Patriots are chiefly indebted to the English 
for the means with which they have been successful in 
throwing off the Spanish yoke. It is, indeed, paying 
but a poor compliment to the Patriots, to" suppose that 
they are led by the nose by the English merchants among 
them. The jealousy with respect to the English in this 
country is natural, it can be easily traced; it is time, 
however, that it should be laid aside, for we may now> 



55 



at last, indulge a friendly feeling towards England with 
safety. It is, in fact, mingling a topic of the politics of 
the United States with a question of infinite importance 
to the world, that ought to be considered in the most li- 
beral manner; before we can properly comprehend with 
the eye a field so vast, we must rise above the little 
mists and fogs that obscure the objects which lie below. 
The common -place topics of newspaper politics should 
be cast aside. 

It is equally wrong in us, to pretend to take sides in 
the political disputes which must occur in La Plata, as 
well as in other republics. I should think it a much 
more unfavourable symptom, if there were no such dis- 
putes. We, however, can be no judges in the case, who 
is in the right or who is in the wrong, from the want of 
opportunity of obtaining a perfect knowledge of the facts. 
But I am asked, " have we not facts that are incapable of 
explanation, and which prove the government of La 
Plata to be a mere military despotism? Do we not know 
of the deportation of the Patriots of Buenos Ayres, and 
the treatment of Carrera? Are not these facts which no 
one can defend? Has not the conduct of Puerrydon been 
that of a tyrant?" Alas! have we learned nothing from 
experience — have we so soon forgotten the »ature of the 
accusation brought against our own government both at 
home and abroad ? If Puerrydon has been called a tyrant, 
Mr. Madison has been called a Caligula; if Puerrydon 
is said to be the tool of the Portuguese, our republican 
administrations have been charged with acting in sub- 
serviency to Napoleon. Whence does this proceed but 
from ill will, and a partial view of facts? Let us try 
if we cannot imagine an explanation of the conduct of the 
supreme director.— Suppose a few warm, zealous, entjm- 



56 

siastic men, should sincerely and honestly believe, that 
the director was about to sell their country, and listening 
more to passion than prudence, should form a plot to 
depose him by force— that the director, informed of this, 
instead of bringing them to trial, should think it most 
adviseable in the present state of things, to have them 
arrested and sent out of the country? Here is nothing 
improbable. I am far from insinuating that any thing of 
this kind has happened, I am only arguing to prove that 
we do not know what has happened. Without making 
any reflections on the unfortunate individuals who have 
excited our sympathy in this country, (and with several 
of whom I have had the pleasure of an acquaintance, and 
cheerfully bear testimony to their truly generous and pa- 
triotic sentiments) it is possible that these men may have 
mistaken a desire on the part of Puerrydon to avoid 
war with the Portuguese, for a determination to betray 
their country*. I regret much the injury which the 
nascent government of La Plata has sustained in our 
country in consequence of this affair. Yet we have 
heard of nothing like insurrections or civil war in La 
Plata; on the contrary, the last arrivals bring us ac- 
counts of the most admirable demonstrations of pub- 
lic feeling, in which all seem to unite. The affair even 
of Carrera may be explained. This Patriot arrived at 
Buenos Ayres, with the means of organizing a private 

* A singular mistake has been made in our newspapers, and shows 
how careful we ought to be in these cases. In the note or rescript of 
the supreme director, assigning the cause of the deportation, these men 
are said to possess ideas exaltadas. What ! exclaim the editors, banish 
men for possessing exalted ideas, lofty and noble sentiments! But the 
fact is^he words mean in Spanish, and also in the French, directly the 
reverse; they mean violent, seditious, unruly, dangerous, hot headed, 
&c. It is but just to notice this, at the same time, I should be very far 
from wounding the feelings of strangers, who deserve our hospitality, 
by insinuating that they merited these epithets. 



57 



expedition for the emancipation of his country, at the 
, very moment when the forces of La Plata were about 
to accomplish the same object, and when it was highly 
necessary that all parties in Chili should act in concert. 
At such a moment, it might have been deemed impo- 
litic to permit an individual of such influence as Carrera, 
whose views were unknown, and probably basely mis- 
represented, to interfere, perhaps endanger the success of 
an undertaking so important. At all events, it is not for 
us to decide in the hasty manner that many of us have 
done. Have we had no party broils among ourselves, 
that we should thus haughtily condemn ? There is still a 
charge against Puerrydon of being at the head of a mili- 
tary despotism, or republic 9 as some have called it. I 
put it to the good sense of any one — in such a state of 
thjngs, who is likely to be the military despot, the one 
who is at the head of the civil government, or the man 
who has the command of the army, who has dazzled the 
people by brilliant success, who is received in the differ- 
ent cities through which he passes, with triumphs and 
every demonstration of public admiration ? This man is 
St. Martin, the Liberator of Chili I When to his good for- 
tune and talents he adds the character of a virtuous man, 
is it reasonable to suppose that he will not be looked to 
as the first man of the republic? What has been re- 
lated to me of this Chief, leads me almost to believe that 
South America, too, has her Washington. When St. 
Martin restored Chili to liberty and independence, he was 
tendered the supreme directorship by the Cabildo, but 
this he magnanimously declined, declaring that his busi- 
ness was completed, that he was about to leave them to 
form a government for themselves ! To avoid the public 
honours which were preparing for him at St. Jago, he 

I 



5S 

stole out, unobserved, on his return to Buenos Ayres, 
but was overtaken by a deputation, requesting him, at 
least, to accept the sum of twenty thousand dollars, for 
the purpose of bearing his expenses; this he positively 
refused. On his approach to Buenos Ayres, every pre- 
paration was made by the inhabitants to receive him in 
the most distinguished manner; twenty thousand people 
waited on the road at which he was to enter! The Chi- 
lians, in one of the first acts of their government, voted a 
sum of money to repay the republic of La Plata the 
expense of the expedition, and then, by consent of the 
latter, took the army into their own service; St. Martin 
returned to asume the command, and the manner in which 
he was received by the grateful inhabitants of St. Jago 
has been detailed in our newspapers — it was not unlike the 
reception given to our own Washington in Philadelphia. 
It is only in popular governments that a real triumph can 
ever take place; it is only here that this genuine and high- 
est of all earthly rewards can await the virtuous and the 
brave. The independent republic of La Plata and Chili, 
through St. Martin, have in all probability, by this time, 
given liberty and independence to their brethren of Peru. 

Although the sentiments in favour of the Patriots, 
through the United States, is almost universal, and seems 
to become each day more earnest, yet there are a few 
who pretend to advocate a cold indifference, and even 
speak of the Patriots in the same terms that our enemies, 
during our revolutionary war, used to speak of us* The 
Patriots are called rebels, insurgents, and we are gravely 
advised to hold them in contempt. I would ask how long 
is it since we have got up a little in the world, that we 
should thus look down upon our poor relations ? Can we 
bestow epithets upon these men without, at the same 



« 



59 

time, casting Hie severest reproach upon ourselves ? No, 
—they are now, as we once were, nobly contending 
against oppressors or invaders, in a cause sanctified 
by justice — in a cause more just than ours; for where 
we had one reason to complain, they had ten thou- 
sand*. This cold blooded indifference to the fate of 
our fellow men, is unworthy of us. We sympathized 
with the Spaniards when lawlessly invaded by France % 

* 1 have refrained from entering into the question of the right of the 
colonies to declare themselves independent of Spain. Never was there 
a cause more easily supported. On the side of Spain there is nothing 
but lawless force. On an attentive examination of the English 
writers against our right to declare ourselves independent of the 
British government, I find these things distinctly admitted by them 
as incontrovertible: that the relative condition of the colony to the 
colonizing state, is not the same as that of a mere province, it partakes 
more of that of allies, and having distinct interests from the mother 
country, may lawfully throw off its authority, which a province, 
under no circumstances, can. " As the colonies were not conveyed to 
distant countries, in order to be made slaves, or to be subjected to the 
peevishness or oppression of the parent state, if they thought themselves 
exposed to such treatment, they might renounce their allegiance, claim 
independence, and apply to any foreign commonwealth for aid." These 
are the very words of one of the ablest and most strenuous advocates 
for Great Britain. It entered the head of no one, at the time, to argue, 
that nothing would justify the revolt of the colony. Our declaration of 
independence begins with laying down principles, which were univer- 
sally agreed to as self-evident. From the nature of the case, the colony 
must be permitted to judge whether it has been abused or not ; it would 
be ridiculous to allow nothing more than an appeal to the oppressor. 
When all hope of redress has vanished, they may lawfully take up 
arms, and any nation, according to Vatel, may lawfully assist them 3 
although it would not be lawful to assist a revolted province, the 
colony may u appeal to the world for the rectitude of its intentions." 
It would be insulting to any man of common sense, to attempt to prove 
that the American colonies have not had ample cause of complaint. 
It has never been denied; Spain has never condescended to say more 
than that these are her subjects, her slaves, and that she has a right to 
oppress or murder them according to her pleasure. It was also ad- 
mitted, that when the parent state could not protect itself, but was 
obliged to abandon the colonies to themselves for a time, it could never 
regain its authority without the consent of the colonies. Never was 
there a more complete dereliction, than that of the Spanish colonies 
for at least three years. The existing governments were every where 
mere usurpations, for the source from which their power was derived, 
had been dried up, and their responsibility had entirely ceased. 

12 



60 



we sympathized with Russia ; we now sympathize with 
France ; and have we no feeling for our brethren of the 
South ? — Those who inculcate this apathy tell us that since 
we are happy and contented, we ought to be indifferent to 
all the rest of the human race ! If this sentiment is really 
serious, and not a mere concealment of enmity to the 
Patriots, it is despicable — it is unworthy of any one who 
wears the form of man. According to the these, a wise 
nation ought to stifle all the finer feelings of human 
nature — it ought to have no charity but for itself ; base 
selfishness should be every thing ; and generosity, patri- 
otism, liberty, independence, empty and ridiculous words. 
Such sentiments may become the wretch who will not 
spare, from his superabundant store, a mite to prevent 
his neighbour from perishing; but there are but few 
Americans, I believe, who harbour meanness like this. 
It does not follow that, because these sentiments are in- 
dulged, we must become Quixotic, and involve ourselves 
in war on account of mere religious or political opinions. 
I am no advocate of French fraternization ; but I am not 
therefore to condemn every generous feeling that glows 
in the bosoms of those who wish well to the patriot 
cause. I would wish to see our conquests the conquests 
of reason and benevolence, and not of arms. There is 
nothing to forbid our feeling a generous sympathy with 
the Patriots of South America ; a contemptuous indif- 
ference on our part, would be regarded by them as re- 
proachful to our national character , and would lay the 
foundation of lasting hatred. 

It does not follow, I repeat, that we should make a 
common cause with them, and go to war with Spain on 
their account ; this might injure us both. Although I 
should not fear the result, it might be more prudent to 



61 



leave the colonies to contend with Spain without inter- 
ference ; and I am convinced no European nation will 
interfere in her favour. This country has no reason to 
be afraid of a war, but at the same time none to desire 
it; peace is our true policy, though not carried so far 
as to render our steps timid and cowardly. We ought 
not to be prevented from doing what may be agreeable to 
us and to our interest, by apprehension of unjust and 
unlawful violence from the universe ; we are now strong 
enough to pursue any just and reasonable deportment as 
repects ourselves and others, without dread of conse- 
quences. What then ought we to do ? I say at once, 
to establish official relations with the republics of La Plata 
and Chili. No nation will have any just right to be of- 
fended with this. Our own practice, as well as the prac- 
tice of every other country, considers the existence of a 
government de facto as sufficient for all purposes of offi- 
cial communications. We never hesitated to establish 
relations with the revolutionary governments of France, 
neither did any of the European powers. In the great 
commonwealth of nations, each one has a right to choose 
the government or governments with which to establish 
such relations ; other nations have no more right to take 
offence at this than one citizen has with another for the 
choice of his associate. The recognition of the republic 
of La Plata does not imply that we must make war 
against Spain, or aid the republic in case it should be in- 
vaded. It is not inconsistent with the strictest neu- 
trality; most certainly it is no act of hostility. There is 
not the least danger that Spain will seriously consider it 
a cause of war ; she may bluster, but she holds too deep a 
stake to think of striking the first blow. As long as she 
possesses colonies in America, if there is ever a war be- 
tween us, it must commence on our side. 



62 



It is, as respects ourselves, that we should have any , 
hesitation in acknowledging the independence of La 
Plata, and not because we should infringe any rights of 
Spain. There is nothing in the laws of nations to forbid 
it ; and she can lay but poor claim to our friendship. 
The questions we should ask in this affair, are these : 
Are the republics just mentioned of such a character as 
that we should let ourselves down by a treaty of amity 
with them ? What is the extent of their territory — the 
number of their population — the nature of their govern- 
ments ? Are they capable of defending themselves ? Is 
Spain in possession of any part of their territory ? These 
and other questions might be put to satisfy ourselves be- 
fore we venture to take them by the hands as friends. 
This course will be found to accord perfectly with our 
principles and practice. What, for instance, was our 
conduct to Spain herself? Where there happens to be at 
the same time, in the same empire, two or more govern- 
ments, we may treat with all, or any one, or none, but 
this is a matter which concerns only ourselves. To treat 
with all would subject us to great inconvenience ; to treat 
with any one would have the appearance of partiality 3 
for our own sake, therefore, the best course would be to 
acknowledge none of them. Thus, when the whole Spa- 
nish monarchy was actually split into three parts, King 
Joseph on the throne, the Cortes endeavouring to expel 
him, and the colonies setting up for themselves, our go- 
vernment declined acknowledging any of these parties. 
When the Cortes prevailed, we received the Minister of 
Ferdinand, and acknowledged the government de facto; 
but we declined receiving the Minister of the colonies 
for two reasons ; first, because the eontest was not yet 
properly at an end, therefore, from motives of prudence 
we could not think of forming a compact which might 



63 



prove to be ineffectual; secondly, because the existing 
governments might not have been of such respectability 
as that we could place ourselves on a footing with them 
consistently with the respect due to ourselves. But when 
these causes ceased, the reasons for our not establishing 
relations would cease also, if we should regard them as 
not disreputable to us. The different provinces of South 
America have not made a common cause, and from their 
distance it is impossible they could act together. Mexico, 
Granada, Venezuela, La Plata, Chili, have all declared 
themselves in the most formal manner separate and inde- 
pendent governments ; should any of them, therefore, 
succeed in expelling the Spanish authorities, and in esta- 
blishing governments de facto, in pursuance of our own 
practice and principles, we may venture to establish rela- 
tions with them, provided we are satisfied that there is a 
sufficient character and stability to justify us in doing so 
consistently with prudence. 

& A revolted province notoriously incapable of maintain- 
ing itself ought not to be treated with ; but an independent 
nation notoriously capable of maintaining itself, ought to 
be respected. Yet we have a right to receive and hear 
the mission even of a revolted province without violating 
the laws of nations. What more common than for the 
revolted subjects, or the deposed prince of one nation, to 
fly to another and to be openly and publicly received ? 
Who ever heard of a sovereign forbidding all nations from 
holding any intercourse with his revolted subjects on pain 
of violating the laws of nations ? The strictest neutra- 
lity is not violated by affording shelter and protection, 
much less from the exchange of civilities or the establish- 
ment of official relations, for the convenience of com- 
mercial intercourse. Is all intercourse or relation for- 
bidden, or some particular kind only ? For instance, no 



64 



one ever thought that the mere trading with a revolted 
colony or province was an offence, or that this would be 
good cause of capture ; and if it be lawful to trade, is it 
not lawful to establish such understanding with the tem- 
porary or local authorities as may be necessary for the 
regulation of such trade? May we not have resident 
agents for this purpose ? May we not receive theirs in 
turn; and may we not, if we think it advisable, enter 
into verbal or written stipulations to regulate this inter- 
course ? Whether such agents should be called consuls 
or ministers, or commissioners ; whether they enter into 
stipulations or treaties of amity and commerce or not, is 
of no importance. 

Are there any of the American republics with which 
we can with safety enter into official relations, or form 
treaties of amity and commerce ? The United Provinces 
of La Plata are undoubtedly such. For seven years they 
have had complete and undisturbed possession of their 
country — no attempt has been made or is likely to be 
made to subdue them, and after this lapse of time, if 
Spain were to attempt it, she could be considered in no 
other light than as an invader. We look only to the 
government de facto; the maxim of Spain — once a colony 
always a colony, is one which she must settle with the 
colonies as well as she can ; for us it is enough that there 
is in La Plata a complete expulsion of the Spanish autho- 
rities, and an existing government. It will not be pre- 
tended by the most extravagant advocates of Spain, that 
because she has revolted colonies elsewhere, which she is 
trying to subdue, that those which she is too weak to attempt 
ought to be regarded as connected with the rest, and that 
all other nations must wait until she announces, in a 
formal manner, that she can no longer hope to subjugate 
any of them. According to this reasoning, while Spain 



65 



continues to hold a single inch of land in America, the 
colonies must still be considered in a state of revolt. 

Consistently therefore with the strictest neutrality, we 
may acknowledge La Plata, at least, as an independent 
state. By this simple act we shall ensure to ourselves the 
lasting friendship of all the Patriots of South America, 
whose feelings must be in unison with their brethren of 
La Plata. It will inspire confidence in all who are en- 
gaged in the contest, it will animate every Patriot with 
a new zeal, it will bestow a respectability upon the cause 
in their own eyes, which will cheerfully unite all hearts 
in support of their independence. Such was the feeling 
which the recognition of our independence produced. As 
the natural head of America, it will instantly increase 
our importance in the eyes of the world. Spain may be 
induced at last to put a stop to the horrid effusion of hu- 
man blood, and renounce an undertaking in which she 
never can prevail. An understanding with the Patriot 
governments of South America will also enable us to 
make sucli arrangements as may put a stop to many prac- 
tices and abuses, in which our character as a nation is 
deeply interested. 

I have thus, Sir, taken a rapid glance at a subject highly 
important to the present and future interests of this 
country. In common with my fellow-citizens, I give my 
warmest wishes for the success of the Patriot cause, but 
at the same time value too highly the real happiness of 
my country to put it to hazard by rash and inconsiderate 
measures. Scarcely any period of our history ever called 
for a more wise and deliberate judgment and enlightened 
foresight than the one now fast approaching. Happily 
for us there prevails at this juncture a degree of harmony 
among our citizens or political subjects, much greater 
than at any period since the establishment of our consti- 

K 



66 



tiition, and we have a wise and upright statesman at the 
helm. It was given to our immortal Washington to 
achieve the independence of one half of America, and I 
most sincerely hope it may be yours to acknowledge the 
independence of the other. 



POSTSCRIPT. 

The following extract from a Bell's Weekly Messen- 
ger," appeared in our newspapers after the foregoing had 
gone to press. — It coincides so completely with many 
ideas I have expressed, that I have resolved to avail my- 
self of it as adding weight to them. I have little doubt 
it speaks the sentiments of the British government; if 
so, England will not remain quiet and permit Russia to 
interfere in behalf of Spain ; she has too much to gain 
by teaching the people of South America to make use of 
her manufactures. There is immense wealth in South 
America ; and if there were a free communication with 
England, the inhabitants would be able to purchase much 
more than the United States* It is a fact, that all goods 
of European manufacture sell in South America for at 
least four times the prices of the United States, and in 
many places for much more. In the extract, the evils 
arising from the monopoly of the colonial commerce are 
extremely well expressed in few words. — The fate of 
Mexico is what I most fear : the last efforts of Spain will 
be directed to retain it. But, thanks to the obstinacy of 
Ferdinand, not many years will go round before we shall 
give him a little trouble on that score. 

<c As to the second point, we have> indeed, known that 
a negotiation has been long pending between Spain and 
England to induce the latter power to afford an active 



67 



assistance against the Spanish independents. The ques- 
tion for the English ministry in this negotiation is two- 
fold — the right of such interference and the policy of it. 
With respect to the right, we have no hesitation in saying 
that it will not admit a doubt. It is an acknowledged 
principle in the European law of nations, that any one 
nation may assist another to subdue revolted colonies or 
provinces — the treaty with Spain justifies such an inter- 
position. With respect to the question of right, there- 
fore, there is no doubt. The English ministry may in 
this respect act as they please. The point therefore is 
reduced to the mere question of policy. 

" Upon this head we have been so copious in some of 
our former papers that we have here little to add. South 
America is a new country and in its first agricultural 
stage, and therefore naturally the most promising and 
beneficial customer to an old country. They possess in 
abundance, or may possess under due encouragement, 
all that we want, raw materials, cotton, sugar, &c; and 
they want, and as they increase in population, will in- 
crease in the want, of ail that we possess— manufactures. 
Such a dealer is the sure material of wealth and aggran- 
dizement to an old commercial country; and hence, the 
value of the United States to us. But under the Spanish 
monopoly, the produce, consumption, and trade, of such 
a country, are necessarily repressed within the lowest 
possible limits. Every thing comes to them so dear, that 
they can consume but little; and the mother country, 
(having the monopoly of purchase) buys so little, and 
buys it so cheaply, as to detain agriculture always in its 
infancy, from the want of encouragement. Hence, under 
such a monopoly, such colonies are little more than kit- 
chen gardens to their own mother countries, of little use to 
thenjj and of none to the general commerce of the world. 

K 2 



68 



" Under such circumstances, it is the most manifest 'policy 
of England not to maintain and encourage the union of Spain 
and her colonies, and most assuredly not to lend any active 
assistance to this end. It is a duty of our direct alliance 
with Spain not to assist the Independents. It is a duty 
of prudence, resulting from our commercial policy, not to 
assist the mother country. Let them fight it out, and let 
us hope for that happy result which without destroying 
the principles of religion and morality ? will extend the 
compass of the English commerce. 

u Upon these principles we cannot persuade ourselves 
to give any weight to the articles put forth in the 
Madrid Journals.— It is, perhaps, one of those articles 
which the editors have been taught to form by their late 
French masters. It is a known artifice amongst the Pari- 
sian editors to take their wishes for granted, and to insi- 
nuate the reasonableness of their expectations in the im- 
possibility of their being disappointed. According to 
our own humble opinion, the present ministry are too well 
acquainted with commercial principles (and particularly 
Lord Liverpool) to have two wishes or opinions upon the 
subject. Our clear interest is for the success of the cause 
of the Independents.'' 1 



That a more perfect idea may be formed of the interest 
excited in the United States in favour of the South Ame- 
rican struggle, the English editor has subjoined the fol- 
lowing, extracted from an American paper, under the 
head of Policy of the United States : — 

" In considering the state of our southern neighbours, 
it must be just to recollect our own thoughts in such great 
perils. The records of our history are c that the first 
step of the Congress, after the declaration of independ- 
ence, was to send Mr. Silas Deane to France, to request 



69 



permission of the French ministry to purchase in France, 
arms and military stores for an army. From the recep- 
tion of Mr. Deane, Congress perceived that France was 
favourable to their cause, and they immediately ap- 
pointed Dr. Franklin their minister at Paris, with full 
powers.' A ship, mounting 36 guns, was provided to 
carry him. He was at Nantz on the 13th of December, 
1776, and two prizes were taken on the passage, and 
carried into Nantz and sold. An English writer says, 
c the public fact of Dr. Franklin's arrival in France, and 
the fact of the French ministry permitting these prizes to 
be sold in a French port, were indisputable proofs of hos- 
tility to Great Britain. But the ministers of Great Bri- 
tain were afraid of a war with France, and France, not 
, being prepared for war, chose to temporize. Dr. Franklin 
was honoured privately with all the countenance he 
could expect. Two months after the surrender of General 
Burgoyne, the French entered into an alliance with the 
Americans, offensive and defensive. When this measure 
had taken place, the British ministry made several at- 
tempts to open a negociation with Dr. Franklin, but they 
were too late.' The importance of these events in the 
American revolution can never be forgotten, and they 
may serve to direct our policy, whenever our interest and 
our duty may combine in the affairs of any other people 
struggling for just liberty with good hopes of gaining it. 
The same spirit which sought and justified this negoci- 
ation, vindicated the zeal of military adventures. Kos- 
ciusko, whose talents and education had gained him fa- 
vour in Europe, dictated by his personal affairs, left 
Europe. He came to America, and offered himself a vo- 
lunteer to General Washington. This great man knew 
the value of the gift, and gave him an honourable ap- 
pointment, and no man has refused to confess that his 



70 



bravery and his humanity rendered important services to 
the United States. After peace was settled, he found in 
the bosom of his country an home which had not become 
less happy from the reputation he had gained in the cause 
of liberty. These services have been the subject of many 
a Eulogy in the United States, and the history of this 
hero is inseparable from the history of our independence. 
Our expectations from the Netherlands, who had suffered 
in the defence of their own liberties, emboldened Con- 
gress to expect their support, and forbid any delay to 
seek it. The appointment of Henry Laurens, the former 
President of the Continental Congress, discovered what 
honour was associated with a commission entrusted to a 
citizen of his great reputation, from his private virtues, 
his experience, and his patriotism. If he did not enter 
upon the duty of his trust, the appointment discovered 
the purpose of his country, and the history of his treat- 
ment in captivity will explain the importance of his com- 
mission in the opinion of the public enemy. Mr. Adams 
succeeded in this commission, and in friendship with Spain 
and France, our political hopes prepared us for our final 
success. The Empress of Russia, though not prepared to 
give a full welcome to a minister from the American Con- 
gress, yet she gave those indigencies which amply re- 
warded the attention paid to her, and encouraged the 
defence of our independence. 

" At the time of sending a minister to the Hague, Go- 
vernor Trumbull expressed a wish to conciliate the favour 
and encourage the emigration of the people of Europe. 
The only obstacle, says he, which I foresee to the settle- 
ment of foreigners in our country, will be the taxes, and 
he adds what he thinks it proper to lessen them. We give 
the following thought, in his own words, addressed to a 
person in Holland:— c In short, it is not so much my 



71 



wish that the United States should gain credit among 
foreign nations for the loan of money, as that all na- 
tions, and especially jour countrymen in Holland, should 
be made acquainted with the real state of the American 
war. The importance and greatness of this rising em- 
pire, the future extensive value of our commerce, the 
advantages of colonization, are objects which need only 
to be known, to command your attention, protection, 
and support.' With us it is to consider whether the 
same objects may not offer again in some other parts of 
America, and may not have equal claims upon the atten- 
tion of all commercial nations. That our nation did not 
forget its obligations to France at the commencement of 
the French revolution, the documents respecting our fo- 
reign affairs, which have been given to the world by our 
minister, Mr. Monroe, now the President of the United 
States, will sufficiently explain. My instructions, says 
that great patriot, enjoined my utmost endeavours to in- 
spire the French government with perfect confidence in 
the solicitude which was felt for the success of the French 
revolution, and of the preference due to a nation which 
had rendered us important services in our revolution. 
The senate had expressed with sensibility the same good 
wishes, and the House of Representatives say to the ally 
of the United States, that with increasing enthusiasm in 
the cause of liberty, they take a deep interest in the hap- 
piness and prosperity of the French republic. A nation, 
like our own, that is indebted to foreign aid for the in- 
dependence it possesses ; that has welcomed to its ser- 
vice the talents and virtues of foreigners ; that has been 
solicitous to explain its hopes to the world, and professes 
in turn a readiness to prefer the allies of its infancy for 
the strength they gave, will not be hasty in rejecting the 
best opportunities to extend the blessings it enjoys in full 



72 



consent with its commerce and prosperity ; and they who 
have felt the gratitude which the enthusiasm of past 
times has inspired, will never be deceived by any names 
which may be used to disgrace the obligations we owe to 
the cause of humanity, wherever it may appear. If our 
humanity can do but little, we may be suffered to do much 
by the example of those who consult only their own in- 
terest. We should not be deceived by a policy that may 
seem to appeal to our integrity, while it may serve itself 
of our simplicity. The history of our own may explain 
to us what we owe to South America. 

i( Dean Tucker, in his answer to objections upon sepa- 
ration of the colonies, observes — c It has been the una- 
nimous opinion of the North Americans for these fifty 
years past/ speaking at the declaration of independence, 
c that the seat of empire ought to be transferred from 
the less to the greater country, that is, from England 
to America; or, as Dr. Franklin elegantly phrased it, 
from the cock-boat to the man of war. Moreover, the 
famous American pamphlet, Common Sense, (in the com- 
position of which Dr. Franklin and Mr. Adams are sup- 
posed to be principally concerned) declares it to be pre- 
posterous, absurd, and against the course of nature, 4 that 
a great continent should be governed by an island. In 
no instance hath Nature made the satellite larger than its 
primary planet. And as England and America, with re- 
spect to each other, reverse the common order of Nature, 
it is evident they belong to different systems — England 
to Europe, and America to itself.' " 



Printed by Hay and Turner, Newcastle-Street, Strand. 



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